Daily Press from Newport News, Virginia • Page 4

EDITORIALS THE DAILY PRESS NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA, FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5, 1952 Poll Taxes Can Check Voting: Repeal It election, they owe only one year's poll tax. If however, by reason of having lived in Virginia for one year they became legally residents of Virginia before this year, then they owe for the year in which they had fulfilled the residence requirement and for every year since. One general misunderstanding about the poll tax is that every legal resident of Virginia over 21 years of age has the obligation to pay it, whether he ever intends to vote or not. It is a tax on its own merits. If, however, Mr.

and Mrs. Pearsall have lived in Virginia only a year, then they owe poll taxes only for this year. The three-year clause is a compromise settlement with citizens who are delinquent in payment of this tax obligation for two years or more, and in practice waives forcible collection of earlier delinquencies. But when they offered to pay the poll tax, so that they could vote in this year's election, they learned they were too late. The Virginia constitution requires that the poll tax must have been paid not less than six months before the election to qualify the citizen to vote in that election.

He can register at any time up to 30 days before an election if he has paid his poll tax, but unless the JSCS J. It isn't difficult to understand, nor to sympathize with, the exasperation expressed by a Hampton resident in. a letter appearing on this page Tuesday over the poll-tax test of eligibility to vote in Virginia. It is true, of course, that the law is the law. It appears true also from the tenor of this letter, signed Jean Pearsall, that she and her husband failed to inform themselves in time about the basic requirements of the Vir-" ginia election laws.

But the total result is that between their lack of information and a technicali- ty in the Virginia voting laws, the poll tax has prevented Mr. and Mrs. Pearsall from voting in this year's presidential election. Whether it would be possible probably not, since she says they have been here for a year to obtain absentee ballots in the state from which they emigrated is not clear. It is true that the chief barrier to voting in Virginia is not the poll tax, but dismaying at-; titude of indifference.

Thousands pay their poll taxes who never take the little trouble to vote. But the fact remains that to make eligibility to vote contingent on payment of a poll tax is wrong, and that there are instances such as that of Mr. and Mrs. Pearsall where it obstructs a legiti-' mate vote. Mrs.

Pearsall suggests that Virginians refuse to pay the poll tax and "get our freedom to vote back." We are confident that on mature rcfiec- tion she would retract that. It would mean, first of all, that no Virginian could vote at all, until the law is amended. Second of which more in a moment it would mean a tax-law violation. BLIMEY THEY'VE DONE IT AGAIN! THE WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND Washington'. A paper bag of rabbit food is on my desk a broken slingshot, a book called "Trigger" (Roy Rogers horse) A pair of swimming trunks is on a chair still damp a pair of dirty shoes, very small shoes, are under the couch My room is a shambles, lit-tered with remnants of my vacation reminders of a small boy who spent the vacation with me.

He is a small boy who. isn interested in Eisenhower of Stevenson who doesn't know the nation is about to hold an election, who has no idea that this election could shape the destiny of the world, perhaps decide whether some day he himself will march off to wbf i fi This small boy- had the faculty of making his grandfather feel both very young and very old. His energy was inexhaustible, his questions endless, their scope limitless "Why do mosquitoes make you itch, grandfather?" "Who teaches little calves how to get milk from their mothers?" "Can eagles fly away with little boys? Can hawks? Can buzzards?" "Why do pigeons always eat your alfalfa seed and not other people's, grandpa?" "Why does Harry Ttuman (our bull) always break down so many fences? I have had hundreds of questions fired at me in public forums or by irate readers, but none so difficult to answer though so pleasant. PLEASANT EXHAUSTION It has been said that if a college athlete attempted to follow the exact antics of a two-year-old in crawling, walking, running, for one full day, he would be exhausted. My grandson ts five, not two; and I am no college athlete.

But I can attest that the above theory must be approximately correct. For never have 1 had so much exercise; never at the end of a vacation have I been so exhausted so in need of the comparative peace of the political arena where one merely badgers politicians and is called names by presidents. Nevertheless, I would not have exchanged this two weeks for a dozen trips to the Adirondacks, Maine, or Alaska. My-daughter will never forgive me for spoiling him, and when she sees the way the barber sheared his locks while I wasn't looking, I'm afraid she'll never let him come again. I had intended coming back to the columning business with a reverberating scoop on world affairs.

But the truth is I have scarcely looked at a newspaper. My typewriter is unopened; my bulging brief case untouched. BESIDE THE POTOMAC My two weeks were spent on a farm on the banks of the Potomac where the stone forts of the Union Army once looked across at the Johnny Rebs on the other side in Virginia. The sharpened trees that were pointed down the hill toward the river to keep the Johnny Rebs from crossing are gone now; but some of the stone ramparts still remain. And sitting near them in the moonlight on those nights when I was not too exhausted even to sit, I could almost see the ghosts of men maneuv.

ering for position in the shadow of the oak trees in that bloody, futile war 90 years ago. The Potomac still flows on serenely in the moonlight. The fish jump in the moonlight. And if you toss a pebble from the cliff alongside our farm, its ripples spread out in the moonlight as if no blood had ever stained its waters as if no war or fear of future war ever ruffled its surface on the way past Washington, past the White House to the sea. I do not know how many sons and grandsons have marched forth to war as a result 6f decisions made on the banks of the Potomac.

I cannot predict how many more may march in the future. I only know as I am left with strict instructions on how to feed two rabbits that we of the present generation have a greater obligation than perhaps we realize. And if we can instill among our fellow men some of the love and faith of our grandchildren; if we can banish hate, deception, fear; if we can truly remember the teaching "A little child shall lead them;" then the wars that have been fought along the Potomac and elsewhere some day may be no more. FRIEND OF U. S.

A. RETIRES This week one of the most democratic presidents in the Western Hemisphere one whom the U. S. A. can be extremely proud of went out of office.

He is President Galo Plaza of Ecuador, only Latin-American executive born in the United States. He retired from office after serving the full four years of his term; and being, under the constitution which he so strictly observed, -unable to succeed himself, he did not run again. He also retired after a term in which there were no uprisings, and complete freedom of speech and the press. He is one of Ecuador's few Presidents who has not been thrown out by revolution. Plaza, who studied at the University of California and the University of Maryland, hopes to make a visit to the U.

S. but for the most part he will live on his huge plateau dairy farm, where he owns about 1,000 Holsteins, many of them imported from Maryland or the Carnation Farms near Seattle. Meanwhile it looks as if Ecuador was in for some stormy and unpleasant political weather. New President J. M.

Velasco Ibarra, who held the presidency twice before and was ousted both times for making himself dictator, has shown no signs of a changed political philosophy In fact, his public statements since winning the election have even shocked some of his loyal supporters. Having come back from five years' voluntary exile in Argentina. Velasco obviously has picked up some new ideas from Dictator Peron his campaign speeches were studded with references to "social justice" foreign imperialists" and the "oligarchy." But what chiefly worries pro-American Ecuadorians is Velasco's blind, uncompromising opposition to everything accomplished or initiated by the Plaza regime For example, even the new civil-service law Ecuador's first has been condemned the President-elect as a "sinister device for keping political svTmt HC h8S refrred t0 country's entifePjud! ia system as a hotbed of corruption and incompetence ARMY ALIENATION the officTln. fT'' t0p has don great deal to alienate the officer corps of the army on which every Ecuadorian sovernment ultimately depends for survival. Dr.

Carlos J. Arosemen who ran the nHcCh "eUtive' TIin. has been openly booing sTdiery co.mrn.ssioned ranks. This is risky procedure for man slated to become minister of defense in the Velasco admmistrat on In a country like Ecuador, where the soldiery is made entirely of two-year conscripts, political strength rests with the officers 8 af? Aremena. ho had been attending a 'nav oartv in coastal Guayaquil and was feeling expansive, drove to the headquarters him a fe'or'iHoZfs 3nd the commandant furnish and "anlfvetco" cSSns.

into "P-Vdasco" mand wrefnL0' i rganiZe miDislry." rted. The de- cce, so Manud DuV Granal "li fh' Picked Plaza's four year term dffe" minister throughout Galo 1952, by the Bell Syndicate Tnc.) DAVID LAWRENCE Parties, Records Chief Issue In This Campaign tax was paid at least six months before the election he cannot vote in that particular election. Thus the Pearsalls may have been in part the victims of lack of information on Virginia law, but the essential fact remains that though from Mrs. Pearsall's statement they have legally become citizens of Virginia, in this case at least the imposition of the poll tax has prevented them from participating this year in the choice of a President. Whatever may have been the motive of the men who drafted the constitution of 1902, the fact is that even though the poll tax is a universal impost, there are occasions when it prevents exercise of citizenship's first responsibility.

Virginia has been sluggish about removing this obstacle. It took several years to get the Campbell amendments divorcing the poll tax from the franchise through the legislature twice and then before the voters. These amendments would have placed so many more restrictions on the right to vote that the people decisively rejected them. In 1950, we believe it was, a far better and really workable proposal drafted by Delegates Robert Whitehead and (now Senator) Victor P. Wilson passed the House of Delegates.

It was delayed whether by accident or by obstruction still is not certain in the Senate until it reached the appropriate committee on or about the last day before adjournment; it was one of a pile to be considered in limited time; and the committee refused to report it. Nothing at all was done in the session last winter. We have no patience whatever with the proposal of federal legislation on the subject; that would exceed the limitations of the Constitution; yet it is just such situations that -have brought about the increasing agitation for a federal statute prohibiting the use of the poll tax as a criterion of eligibility to vote. private and public. They also have a direct influence on fire and other casualty insurance rates.

The whole range of construction practices is only one part, though a very large part, of the broad field of interests' in the lower Peninsula which are the same for all its population and which could be much better preserved under one, instead of three, municipal administration. party in power shall be held strictly accountable for what it does. The people every four years must say whether they approve what has been done or whether they want the party in power ousted and another party given an opportunity to make the necessary changes. Lately, some Democrats have argued that a change to Governor Stevenson, admittedly a good man, is enough. The implication has been that there would be a different personel in Washington.

There has been that there would be a different personnel in Washington. There has been a hint, moreover, that some Truman policies might be changed, too. But this doesn't establish any clear-cut basis for responsible party government. If a party in power can escape punishment when it is bad or if any party which has made a good record is not to be given a vote of approval by the people for what it has done just because a good man has been nominated on the opposite ticket, then the whole structure of party government collapses. General Eisenhower is a good man but, if the people really want the Truman record upheld, they canot get their wish by voting for the Republican nominee.

THE ALTERNATIVE The Democrats are. of course, saying that the alternative the Republican party may not be any better or that the Republicans in the past have also had their scandals. This assumes that it is a proper defense aeainst wrongdoing to argue that others have been guilty, too. The sound principle is that every party must be held strictly accountable nad that, if the opposition party wins the election. It will have thereby received notice that at the end of four years it will be removed, too, should it fail to serve the people.

Only by pressure on both parties by punishing one or rewarding the other can good government be assured. (Copyright, 1952. New York Hearld Tribune, Inc.) Washington, Sept. 4 Many people have mistakenly assumed that the presidential campaign is just a contest between two good men. In fact, one widely heard comment is that, since both are good men, "It doesn't make any real difference who is elected." This is a fallacy which shows a lack of familiarity with the two-party system in America.

It overlooks the importance of appraising the responsibility of the party in power the administration or the regime which exercises authority under a representative system of government. PERSON VS. PARTY Many voters are asking how to judge the campaign and its issues. The first principle to understand is that the contest is not between General Eisenhower and Governor Stevenson as personalities, except in the sense that each is a symbol, of party responsibility. The real contest is between the "Democratic party in Washington" and its opponents outside of Washington the Republicans and Democrats who disapprove of what the Democratic party has done in Washington.

This contest is to determine also how many Democrats and Republicans outside of Washington will vote to approve the "Democratic party in Washington." Virtually every appointment to a post of responsibility in every department and agency of the government, excepting employees in civil service, in the last four years even the appointment of the director of civilian defense has had to be "cleared" through the Democratic national committee's office. If the record of four years of the Democratic administration were brushed aside and onlv the proposed record of the Democratic nominee, as reelected in his speeches, were made the basis for judgment, it would not be fair to either the outgoing Democratic President or the Democratic nominee. It would not offer any mandate for the conduct of future administrations. If that were to happen, it would man that hereafter any President in his second term for his reelection for a third term now is barred bv the constitution could be as reckless and irresponsible as he pleased and even could tolerate corruption among those around him in public office, and all the party in power would have to do would be to select some other candidate and everything would be forgiven. When a cashier in a bank steals money, he isn't allowed to go unpunished just because an honest cashier is at hand to take his place.

In the matter of party responsibility, if the party in power is guilty of failing to do its duty or of having made tragic blunders, will the American system of party government be helped if it is voted another four years of authority? Conversely, if the Democratic nominee can show by his arguments in ptiblic speeches that the record of the past four years has been a good one and deserves to be approved at the polls, then the vote of the people means vindication for President Truman. Mr. Truman certainly would be entitled to the claim of vindication if the majority of the voters upheld the Democratic party, and it would be proper to continue and even enlarge upon his policies by following the same line. The basic idea which has been an American tradition is that the Third, it would mean that with the expiration of their present terms, Virginia office-holders would go out of office with no one to succeed them and that the poll tax law could not be amended at all. Mrs.

Pearsall says the family has lived here for a year: unless some other legal obstacle exists, then, under Virginia's one-year residence law, they are normally eligible to register and to vote on Nov. 4. Unless she has lived here more than a year, however, she is misinformed on the necessity of paying three years' delinquent poll tax in order to vote. Section 58-51 of the state code says: i Notwithstanding any of the provisions of sections 58-4 to 58-7 or any other provisions of law, the state capitation tax of one dollar and fifty cents per annum is hereby levied upon every person not less than twenty-one years of age who moves into Virginia and becomes a resident for the year in which he becomes a resident, regardless of whether he was a resident on the first day of i January of such year or became a resident thereafter during the year. That is involved and technical, but it means simply this: If Mr.

and Mrs. Pearsall will have lived in Virginia only one year before the 1952 A Quest For A Code The continued agitation in favor of the three abutting lower Peninsula cities Newport News, Hampton, and Warwick enacting identical electrical construction codes shows commendable concern for the public safety, and yet there are some risks involved in it. Moreover, it is one more of the almost innumerable bits of evidence that what physically is one city of upwards of 150,000 is damaging its own best interests by insisting on three separate governments. Under modern installation practices, most of the old-time fear of electric current is groundless. If wires are placed as they should be, at the start; if circuits are properly distributed and divided; if lines are properly fused, and the householder keeps them properly fused instead of resorting to such makeshifts as a one-cent piece placed behind a screw-plug fuse which has melted out; the risk of electric wires starting a fire is almost zero.

And at the pressures generally, 110 volts to 125, with three-wire 220-volt circuits where the loads include appliances such as electric ranges the hazard to life is slight even if the householder tries (as he should not) to tamper with something he does not know about. Faulty, careless, or makeshift installation of wires or appliances, however, changes the situation entirely. A source of energy almost totally safe when properly channeled becomes a serious risk both to life and to property when wrong methods are used. Insurance underwriters' codes for electrical installations cover just about everything that is needed to make electric current a safe human servant. However, even with these codes available, there may be differences of opinion about how to apply them and enforce them.

Human nature being what it is, an attempt to enact identical and uniform codes in three separate municipalities may conceivably produce some undesirable compromises, or the effort itself may be thwarted. One government over all this urban area, which physically is one continuous city though it is administratively divided, would not experience this difficulty of agreement. Nor is an electrical construction code all. There are building codes. There are plumbing codes, which include gas installations as well as those for water and for sewage disposal.

All three are closely interrelated; all three are intimately related to safety, DRUMBEATS Good Morning, Princess By J. Shenton Lodge Utopia? Both history and experience prove conclusively that the price of peace and security is cooperation. Even the cave men had to learn that lesson, as well as the pioneers who pooled manpower and resources to carve new trails with their covered waggons across unknown and hostile territory. Somehow, humanity never seems to learn much from the lessons and experience of the generations that have gone before. It is only through more intelligent and aggressive utilization in human contacts of moral laws laid down by Almighty God in the very beginning that men will, at last, come to the place of reason and peace.

Until that time, it will be rather futile to wave palm leaves in the streets of Jerusalem. world where little peace was to be found, nobody waved palm leaves along the way where Jesus had walked from Bethany to the gate of Jerusalem. Even in the Holy Land was continued contention and strife, and on most of the nine stations of the cross outside the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, guns had replaced the Christian symbols of peace. Across the world war was becoming more imminent. WHEN WILL THIS foolish world learn the true message of the cross, and realize that it is never going to bomb Its way to Byrd Spurns the Bait First inclination, when the so-called new Constitution Party "nominated" Gen.

Douglas Mac-Arthur for the presidency and Senator Harry F. Byrd for the vice-presidency, was to ignore it. However, the movement has reached the point at which this faction is seeking to get the Mac-Arthur and Byrd names on the ballot in Texas, and the America First Party has made overtures toward putting their names on the Virginia presidential ballot. It is not surprising, therefore, that Mr. Byrd has telegraphed a demand that his name be left off the Texas ballot.

If he has not done so already by the time this appears in print, it is logical to expect that he will reject the America First outfit in Virginia too. If there were no other factor involved than sheer political expediency, it would be natural to anticipate that Mr. Byrd either would ignore the matter or, as he has done with the Constitution faction, refuse. For there is not the slightest chance that he would be elected, or that the movement would make sufficient impression to add anything to Mr. Byrd's prestige.

That, of course, is only the crassest of the possible considerations. The fact is that Mr. Byrd is a Democrat; General Mac Arthur is a Republican; and both the Constitution and America First groups bear all the stigmata of extremist isolation and reactionary Republican wings. The very procedure first announced by the Constitution Party would have been futile. The plan was to seek to induce the presidential electors, acting under the absolute latitude allowed them by the Constitution, to ignore any pledges or instructions from the parties who nominated them, and cast their ballots for MacArthi and Byrd.

This would have got nowhere. But the utmost that might be expected from the procedure of putting electors on the ticket, as the Constitution Party is trying in Texas and the American First group apparently is trying in Virginia, would be to divide one or the other of the two major parties. And dissension already has arisen within the group. The Constitution Party quite evidently is a response to the radio speech some time ago by Col. Robert R.

McCormick, editor and publisher of the Chicago Tribune, advocating that a new party be formed and that the citizens refrain this year from voting either for Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower or for Gov. Adlai E. Stevenson.

If anything tangible comes of his proposal in the long run, the most likely result would be a realignment of the Republican Party. The proposal reflects Colonel McCormick's extreme isolation and reactionary philosophy, and the victory of the awakening internationalist sentiment in Republican ranks this year seems' to have left a good many of the Old Guard in a sullen mood. But any appreciable influence from the Constitution group in this year's presidential election appears to be most improbable, and no matter how inflamed by some of the extreme Leftward trends in the Democratic Party Mr. Byrd may be he has too much sense to fall for its line. SIDELINE SNIPINGS By Robert C.

Ruark Don't Vote For Either? Editorial: Christian Science Monitor Col Robert R. McCormick, publisher of the Chicago Tribune after criticizing both General Eisenhower and Governor Stevenson as nominees for president, urges: "Do not vote for either of these candidates. Concentrate on voting for patriotic candidates for Congress in both parties." Americans adopted Colonel McCormick's advice, the result probably would be to elect the Socialist nominee, Darlington Hoopes, or the Progressive party candidate. Vincent Hallinan, who" served six months- in prison for contempt of court, committed while defending Harry Bridges in the case which labeled Bridges aa a Communist and a perjurer. Even with benefit of a conservative Congress and with art "American Party" such as he proposes to oppose both Republicans and Democrats, can this be the result Colonel McCormick really wants in the White House? WEATHER VANE The weather vane When day has thinned, Circling aloft.

Laughs at the wind And on its course Disdaining rest, Whirls aily round From east to west. The weather cock Sails in the breeze Like a proud ship On tossing seas And veering gently As he smiles Looks out upon The seven isles. When breezes die Upon the ocean, The weather vane Will cease its motion; When wind is lost In silence vast, The weather cock Will sleep at last. SYDNEY KING RUSSELL (Christian Science Monitor) Some day the American people will enlist upon a new foreign policy that strips aside the defensive posture in which we have stood too long. Sen.

Lyndon B. Johnson (D. Tex). American women are just too active to wear long dresses. Beau-ty queen Joan Kayne.

self or else stands in liability of losing his "individuality" and crippling his psyche. Teachers don't whack 'em with the ruler miy more for raising the devil in the classroom. They are catered to at every turn, reasoned with, argued with, pleaded with, to be good, when a stout strap on the fanny would argue louder. As they come along in years they look around them and see a prospect of a free everything, where the state provides. They also argue that it's silly to work when relief is easier and social security is just around the corner.

They think in terms of overtime if they work at all, and the first question they ask on a new job is: What are the provisions for retirement? The normal incentive of greed, of personal selfishness, is nearly removed, for they understand the futility of working hard when you can't keep what you earn anyhow. The only keepable buck today in most minds is the ilegiltjmate buck, the swift, non-accountable buck, the under-the-table buck. So why knock your brains out on the legit side? ENTERTAINMENT facilities have fired the young imaginations with nearly non-quenchable lusts and fancies. The comic book business is largely a scandalous influence; TV breast-feeds the babies on murder and violence, and our own newspapers make semi-heroes out of thugs. The ruffian is the hero in the movies, and overall a premium is placed on toughness.

We deplore the state of today's youth, and worry over the morrow. We might have saved some deploring and some worrying with a steadier application of respect for elders, stern discipline, and a healthy fear of running afoul of organized law and order. It was Palm Sunday. As I went up to the temple to pray, the street was filled with children from the Sunday school, and a little girl, about six years of age, was vainly attempting to open the door of an automobile so that she might enter. I paused to give her the needed assistance.

She had fashioned a wide sash, and a bow for her hair, of red crepe paper, and on her white dress was pinned a cross made of palm leaves, a picture that any artist with an eye to the beautiful would be delighted to paint. I thought to myself that there must have been, somewhere in the child's ancestry, a Romany princess who used to wear a red rose in her hair. "Good morning. Princess." 1 said, bowing courteously. "You look charming in your regal robes." Releasing her hand from the door of the car, the child curtsied with grace and charm as she replied: "Good morning to vou, sir, and thank you very Feeling like a royal coachman, I opened the door of the automobile and again bowed respectfully.

"Enter, fair lady." "You are very kind, sir," the child said. IT ALMOST seemed to me that I was living for the moment in a world as it ought to be a peaceful community where little children went to Sunday school, in every land and clime, to return home with green crosses of palm leaves in tribute to the Prince of Peace. "Good-bye, Princess," I said as I left her. And she replied, "Good-bye, kind sir." 1 stood there for a time, watching other children as they passed, each with a cross of palm leaves. Then I entered the sanctuary.

Somehow or other, the church 1 service seemed to mean much more than usual to me that Sunday because I had paused to help a little child of the Kingdom who wore a red ribbon in her hair. But the next day was Monday and things were different. In a New York. Tribal authority has to start somewhere, and the best way to start it is on the bottom. We have been highly indignant lately about the ruffianism of young criminals not even criminals, but silly punks out to rape and rob and loot more for the kicks than for the actual gain.

Lately in New York we have been cracking down a little, up to the point of the cops shooting a couple without pausing to argue. It should rarely be necessary for police to have to shoot culprits in process of what used to be "misdemeanor." and wouldn't be salubrious except that we have to do something in the cities these days to cool down a crop of kids who should have been cooled down earlier by their parents or scared into submission by teachers or whacked a couple of times by the friendly cop on the beat. We shoot them today ebcause the young and calow villains are past reason, past parental past teacher discipline. BASICALLY THIS is the fault of the times, and the times has itself to blame. We have been off, during the past 20 years or so, on a coddling binge.

We have spared the rod and spoiled the child until I wonder we haven't raised a dynasty of bums. This goes for the young adults, and the middle adults as well. Since depression days we have operated this country and are trying to operate the world on a thesis that the individual is owed a living. If he makes a mistake, it isn't his fault. If he commits a sin or a crime he is maladjusted.

There is no such thing as right or wrong any moreu only maladjustment. The world is out of step with the individual. There is very little emphasis put on personal achievement any more. Hard work is sneered at as a means to an end. Grab it fast and grab it easy and if you get caught in a swifty well.

You're misunderstood. Society doesn't understand you. That's society's fault. We operate lately on so much free stuff, achievable without work, that it is little wonder the punks roam in bands, knocking over the candy-stores, heisting the filling stations, and occasionally killing the easy mark they mug a little too hard. A minority gets its fun from dope and street-fighting, juvenile prostitution and perversion.

It could be my imagination, but perversion seems awfully prevalent and even popular these days. We, have been taught recently that it is wrong for parents to discipline that the child must be left free to "express" him- a maim or mi ttooiuo prim Established 1896 Published Mornings and Sunday by THE DAILY PRESS, INC. 215-17 Twenty-fifth Street Telephone Private Branch Exchange Number 7-1231. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Carrier, Daily Sunday, 40 centi per week. By Mail $1.75 per month, $20.80 per year.

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