Daily Press from Newport News, Virginia • Page 4

I'VE ASKED TH EM TO COME SIT AT OUR TABLE" DREW PEARSON EDITORIALS -THE DAILY PRESS NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 20, 1960 Disassociation In New York Schools Negroes in certain junior and senior high Some indication of the trouble ahead OMDOM it, SOUTH iTJg ill rn schools transter to oilier neignoornoous, it's reasonable to assume that the trend to non-public schools will continue. "Thus the administrative chaos invited by Dr. Theobald's freewheeling transfer policy can be expected to spread into the population guessing necessary for orderly planning of the school construction program. "Dr. Theobald has taken on a self-defeating crusade in fancying himself an ethnic mixmastcr.

On the one hand, every concession he makes leads to new and more disruptive demands from extremists. On the other, parents who disapprove of the Theobald plan in general are showing that they can create new patterns as fast as the doctor demolishes old ones." So again the nation is treated to the eroding effects of the infamous Warren Court attack on long-established social customs. As Governor Almond once said in reference to the court order requiring integration of Virginia classrooms, "We reserve the right to disassociate." New York's, parents have shown, by their one-'in-three withdrawal from the public school system, that they, too, practice the right of disassociation. What happens to the New York school system, having lost one third of its pupils over a short period of years, due to forced integration, is another matter. The New York school administrators may find themselves presiding over half-empty schools before long.

Already their need for teachers has been reduced by one-third! It is a hard lesson, but now and then there comes a glimmer that other sections of the nation are becominc aware of the for Schools where intcgration-mindcd officials are enthusiastically breaking down long-established customs is seen in a recent report from New York City. That vast complex of racial and ethnic minorities has gone far beyond the Supreme Court's compulsory mixing of the races by requiring New York schools to accept integrated classes, even if the pupils must be transported considerable distances out of their own neighborhoods, and beyond their own school districts. If a school has no Puerto Ricans, then send some in! If it has no Negroes, transport em! Integrate! That's the key word of these zealots. Now, hat has happened in the several vears this doctrine has been in effect? There has been the widely reported reaction of Negro parents who ish to bring their own children back to their own neighborhoods to school with their own friends. There have been court cases to prove that forced integration is not desired by the parents of some of these forcibly displaced Negroes.

But now comes a new line, as reported by Jacob Jacowitz, school news editor of the New York World Telegram and Sun: One New York child out of every three now attends a non-public school! "Since most of the drift is to parochial schools, the reasons are of course varied. But, as Mr. Jacowitz noted, "there is an unquestioned relationship between the school board's policy of 'ethnic mixture' and the decision of some parents to send their children to non-public schools. "With Superintendent John J. Theobald bowing to pressure groups and expanding his contrived "integration" program this month to let Puerto Ricans and THE WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND NEW YORK.

In considering what the United States faces at the U. N. General Assembly you have to look back at what was happening exactly one year ago this month. At that time Nikila Khrushchev was taking a grand tour of the USA, seeing everything and anything from Spyros Skouras "Can. Can" movie in Hollywood to Roswell Garst's Iowa com fields.

He was given the red-carpet treatment in Washington with high dignitaries turning out in white tie and tails. Finally he spent three days at Gettysburg and Camp David where he and President Eisenhower ended up by genuinely liking each other. They gave their personal pledge to quit calling each other names, try to' build up an atmosphere for peace. For approximately six months thereafter, both men and both governments tried to carry out that pldge. Khrushchev flew almost immediately to Peiping where, according to our best diplomatic reports, he tried hard to persuade the Red Chinese to cooperate wilb the USA regarding Formosa.

He was turned down. But he tried. Two months later when Eisenhower made his pilgrimage to 1 8 countries of Europe and the Middle East, Italian Communist were lined up on the streets of Rome cheering Ike. They had received the word from the Kremlin. Even Latin-American Communists on the President's subsequent tour had got the word and yelled "We like Ike." Today, note the contrast What a change! Today, eaactly one year after Mr.

arrived in Washington, he can no longer tour the USA. He is confined to Manhattan. Today American RB 47 fliers are imprisoned in a Moscow jail, and the U. S. Air Force privately proposes that we retaliate by shooting down Russian plane.

Or, an alternative, it wants the Navy to seize a Russian trawler on the high seas. Today both Russia and the United States have been seizing and deporting alleged spies at the drop of the hat, some of them merely outspoken students. And both countries have stated full-dress televised spectacles of defectors in order to whip up public opinion against the other. The atmosphere is so tense that many diplomats fear an "accidental" war through a plane crash or a bomb explosion. That is the contrast between September 1939 and September 1960.

And the big question Is how did we get that way and how can we snap out of it. V. S. CHAIN REACTION We got that way, first, because various factions on boih sides didn't want any understanding between the USA and the USSR: second, because of the U-2 spy plane incident. Khrushchev had his problems with the Red Chinese and the Stalinists who emphatically disagreed with his policy of ending the cold war.

Ike also had bis problems with isolationists and preventive war advocates. But none of them would have been strong enough to have disrupted the Camp David undemanding had it not been for the U-2. Even after the U-2, the situation might have been saved bad Ike not made the inexcusable mistake of taking responsibility for it. After that, and after be refused to call on Khrushchev at Prime Minister McMillan's urging, the fat was in the fire. That's why, incidentally Jack Kennedy was right when he said be would have expressed regret in order to save the summit conference.

The chain traction that followed the U-2 incident is too recent to need review. The howling mobs in Japan which gave Ike the most iserious Jossof-face of his career resulted directly from the U-2 incident and renewal of the cold war. So did the shrewd move to bring the leaders of the satellite world plus Asia and Africa to New York for a conference we didn't want and which the State Department bucked every inch of the way. IKE MARKS TIME Part of the China reaction is the present vacuum of American leadership. Dwight Eisenhower, who had a great and laudable ambition to bring peace to the world, is now marking time, discouraged, letting new leadership wait for the day when he can get out of the White House.

The western world is not in a happy state. The fact is, however, that we don't have to mark time. Eisenhower still has some precious months ahead, and time is the most precious of all commodities when it comes to building peace. The forces for war work overtime. The forces for peace work only part time.

And the President, still with great prestige, still in a position to throw his powerful weight for peace, could be able to get the onetime "Camp David Spirit" back on the track. He would have to swallow his pride to do so. He would have to sit down with Khrushchev. He would have to disregard the negative advice of various advisers. But Ike can still go down in history as a man of peace, be can fulfill his fondest ambition, if he swallows his pride, ignores his advisers and brings back the once promising Spirit of Camp David.

Democratic Majority Key To Campaign Plan By BARNET NOVER reasons for the South's very practical ob- a i 1 a iections to the 1954 decision of the Court. Looks Like YankeeTime Once Again! Casev Stengel, wealthy bank official. the Yanks all season. The Orioles won only one out of 11 against the Yankees, and that's no way to- stay out in front against Eruption Of Religious Issue Good Thing So Early In The Campaign By ROSCOE DRLMMOND Kennedy In Trouble In California By DORIS FLEESON SAN FRANCISCO-Mrs. John F.

Kennedy may prove to be the Joshua of the Democratic party in this campaign. When she defied the enemy by name and on a specific issue, she gave that certain sound on the trumpet which the spear carriers have been waiting for. She is the pin-up girl today in California Democratic circles, where it is freely ad-milted thai on the high road Vice-President Richard Nixon and Senator Kennedy have so far chosen to travel, Nixon is ahead. Republicans happily find it almost too good to be true after the debacle of 1958 which swept them out of office, state-wide. Democrats find that in 1950, the controversial House and Senate campaigns waged by Nixon are being forgotten.

They are not even consoled by predicted new registration 'totals which local sources say will give the Democrats an even heavier edge than the present 3 to 2. Most of the gain will be new voters who are only beginning to be conscious of politics and find the Nixon tranquilizers palatable and the image of a strong Vice-President attractive. It is true that some Republicans still cannot swallow Nixon. He has also cautiously evaded the San Joaquin Valley, where the outspoken Bee newspapers have long memories. Gov.

Nelson Rockefeller has been sent 'there and is getting excellent receptions. He commends the national ticket but dispenses with the tranquilizers. When this is pointed out, he smiles and says he believes in debate within the party as well as with Democrats. The major complaint against the Kennedy campaign is that it has been too defensive and too general in scope. Here at least the pros believe that he has made all the statements on the issue he should make and perhaps too many.

They do not see any votes in Bobby Kennedy's tears. They agree in principle that the attacks Kennedy has been answering are unfair, unkind and un-American, but they insist that only an Eisenhower can successfully run against sin. They find people in general apathetic, and they want to give them Nixon. Republicans, and interests behind Dr. Norman Vincent Peale and even the women who don't like Mrs.

Kennedy's hairdo to chew on. Democrats have other troubles, among them financial ones. The Jewish communities -are only beginning to warm up to the slate since the Peale-style fundamentalists got into the act. Teas for women will not, the pros think, bring out the kind of women who normally vote for Democrats. Nixcn backers admit to some troubles, too.

The deep-eyed conservatives who put him into politics originally eye with askance his new-found liberalism. He doesn't even call it the Democrat party any more a pin prick dear to them. Also, he has very quietly been pulling away from apologists and associates of his tough anti-Communist days in the hope of enticing the big states and independents everywhere to his banner. But his supporters can argue cogently that he is the only possible alternative to a Democratic ticket and platform that orthodox Republicans fear and hate. It is still unwise to predict California politically, but its apparent forgiveness of Nixon is nevertheless there, and Kennedy has not made a dent on it.

Potomac Fever By FLETCHER KNEBEL Both Presidential candidates may be able to stand up to1 Krushchev, but the way they scamper around the country, they seen unable to sit down with f.i issje for more than five minutes. It is evident enough that the religious issue has burst into flame sooner and spread across the face of the country more widely than anybody expected. What isn't evident is why. Why is everyone proving to have been so wrong in believing that this time the impact of the religious question would be muted and incidental? "When Sen. Kennedy's nomination was jn clear prospect, it was almost unanimously accepted that his being a Catholic would not create anything like the stir it did against Al Smith in 1923.

Then in the West Virginia primary the state's overwhelmingly non-Catholic population gave Mr. Kennedy his strongest endorsement and sent him on to certain victory in Los Angeles. At this point there appeared little dissent from the view that the religious issue had been laid low and would not rise stridently in the campaign. There is no doubt that it has risen slridently. What is in dcubt is why? VERY POSSIBLY there can be no clear answer so soon.

One comes across a variety of explanations and I set them down so that they may be examined on the merits and on their demerits. Conceivably, the idea that opposition to electing a Catholic as President had diminished since the Al Smith campaign was a false premise, and that those who expected it to be different had no adequate basis for their judgment. But the readiness of large numbers of Protestant voters to join in electing an increasing number of Senators and Governors who are Catholic most of whom have made able and admirable public servants certainly suggested that opposition and prejudice were on the I cannot escape the feeling that some factor, whether identifiable or not, entered the campaign to stir up the issue. Some feel that the Kennedy people have fanned the flame in the calculation that in the end the Senator would benefit, while his own managers say that Nixon supporters use the religious issue for purely partisan purposes. Obviously Norman Vincent Peale might have had better credentials to argue the religious issue if he hadn't entered the forum as a previously committed Nixon adv'ocate.

The case that the Kennedy high command has used the religious issue as a political weapon on its own side, used it early and vigorously, rests upon these facts: That in 1956 the Kennedy camp circulated a "private" memorandum showing how the Senator would be a particularly strong Vice Presidential candidate with Catholic voters, and how this would help, the ticket win. There was here an assumption that there was a deliverable solidarity among Catholic voters. That private polls taken for Sen. Kennedy were used by the Kennedy people to prove that he would draw from 7 to 10 per cent higher vote in heavily Catholic areas than non-Catholic Democratic candidates normally do in these areas. That the argument which Sen Kennedy has himself used that the only way to end Catholic bloc-voting in Presidential elections is to elect him leaves many with the impression that he is.

appealing to the Catholic voters 'as a Catholic. SOME WHOREJECT com-pletely the foregoing explanation of why the religious question as erupted so suddenly and so much more widely than either nominee expected, advance a difference thesis. They suggest that the religious issue has so vigorously to the fore because it is filling an unwanted vacuum. They suggest that, because the differences between the two parties are more verbal than real and because the differences between the two candidates are even less, religion is being used by the supporters of each in the absence of other issues. It deserves to be put into the record that Sen.

Kennedy has dealt responsively and explicitly with everything which makes up the religious issue. His commitments are clear. But he finds it hard to desist repeating them. Mr. Nixon is doing his best to keep the issue down.

"I respect his position," he said of Sen. Kennedy in San Francisco, ''and I think it should be accepted without any further questioning." But he finds it hard to keep others from questioning it. Better that the thing is out in the open now than to have it come as a miasmic explosion late in the campaign. (Copyriffht, 1W0. New York Herald Tribune, Inc.) On Plowing And Politics canny sportsman, and ravishcr of the King's English, apparently has done it again.

The wily boss of the Bronx Bombers has brought his Yankees close to another American League pennant with a 4-game shutout of what the baseball men call 'a crucial series' with the Baltimore Orioles, putting the Yankees in their usual position in the flag race this time of jear, which is about four games ahead of the pack. It was a shame that the Yankees moved out ahead with their whitewash of the Birds, but the Baltimore outfit has been a patsy team for PCC's PE Courses The Peninsula Chamber of Commerce has asked the Adult Education Division of the Newport News Board of Education to sponsor a seven-week course in political education as an experimental addition to the wide variety of evening classes 'available in this area through Hampton, Newport News, and College of William and Mary participation. That the scries 'was filled to capacity within hours after announcement of its formation may be traced to two motivating forces; businessmen of the Peninsula are becoming increasingly aware of the need for active participation in political endeavor, or they may have more than the usual interest in this, an election year. A third factor may be reflected to some extent in figures released by the Adult Education Association of Virginia. That group predicts that 135,000 Virginia adults will enroll in evening education programs within the next week or so.

Three separate adult education programs are offered throughout the state; a public school program, another by the colleges and universities, and a third including special classes sponsored by independent organizations. Last year, 52,891 were enrolled in business, vocational and home economics curricula of widely varying subject matter. There were 32,715 enrolled in college and university study courses, and in addition, home study correspondence courses are made available through the University of Virginia and Virginia State College. This is as it should be. There.

is no reason whatsoever for the gears in the mental machine to begin to rust after a diploma notes the end of a course of study in high school or college. The interest shown in political education by the men of the community bespeaks a healthy interest in area where we as Virginians are prone to "Let the other guy do it." Our record of participating in politics is nothing short of disgraceful, regardless of the apologists who say it's a sign that we arc governed to the satisfaction of the voters. Established 1896 Published Morning and. Sunday by The Daily Press, Inc. Published at 211-219 25th Street NEWI'OIIT NEWS.

VIRGINIA Telephone CHestnrf 4 S421 Hampton Bureau Hilton Bureau 117 N. King St. 345 Warwick Road Pbone PArk 3 3367 Phone LVric 6-1551 Williamsburg-James City Co. Bureau Post Office Arcade Duke of Gloucester Street Telephone CApitol 9-3783 Middle Peninsula Bureau Gloucester Telephone OXford 3-1100 SIS MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to use for publication all news dispatches credited to it or noted otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein are also reserved.

National Advertising representatives, Sawyer-Ferguson Walker Co. 30 Park Ave. New York Ciiy. SUaSCRlPTIO KAILS By Carrier. Da'ly Sunday.

4 rrt wees Ky Ma il per month, $23 41) pi ar Postage tree It First. Second and Third pes. Rates lor oilier -ne on application. Not rpnTMliie for advance payment io earners or postage paid at Newport News, the team just behind your neck all year. Listening to ol' Case is one of the toughest chores a baseball man has to handle all season, but playing against his Bombers is the roughest prospect for the rest of the American League.

Casey seems to bring out the best in his boys just when the. best is necessary to capture the And the wide-flung Yankee organization seems to have the men and the type of men that Casey needs about this time of year. It was Fate, seems like, that reached in to tell the Oriole pitching staff that it should be tired out after a brilliant season, and sure enough the collapse came with shocking speed. Some idea of Casey's skill in manipulating the talent, available may be gained from the statistics of the current week in the 1960 season. Only one Yankee, Bill Skowron, is among the top ten batting leaders in the American League.

Skowron is the only Yankee hitting above .300. But the thundering power that puts runs across the plate is shown by the figures putting New York Yankee Roger Maris leading the league in home runs, with 39, and also leading in the runs-batted-in department with 1 04. Maris' teammate Mickey Mantle, is in third place in the home run department. Paul Richards, too, has achieved a near-miracle with the Birds, aside from the aforementioned skill of the pitching staff. Only Brooks Robinson is even close to the .300 batting mark (he's five points below it) and Jim Gentile is in fifth place in the runs-batted-in count.

Mnay baseball aficionados were pulling for the Birds all the way, and truly they had captured the hearts of Baltimoreans, already fit to bust over the doings of the championship football Colts. Lately downtown windows were lighted up to spell out the cheerful message, "Go Birds" as pennant fever washed through, the streets of the city. Next to Brooklyn, it seems that Baltimore takes its baseball heroes most seriously. And while we wouldn't for a moment bury the Birds with the tag-end of the season coming up, they now must find a place for the White Sox to roost alongside them in their current second-place tie, four games out of the slot they occupied before the disaster of September" 17-1 8. Castro's Sabotage Like other dictators before him, Fidel Castro feels impelled to give a reason for each of his totalitarian acts.

These excuses may go over big with his own people, most of whom must want very much to believe that their government is proceeding along legal and democratic lines. Since free dissemination of information has been outlawed in Cuba, they hear only one side of the story Castro's. The Premier also would like to present a favorable image to those countries that are still not yet completely disillusioned about his regime, and to feed his Communist allies the raw material for their propaganda lies regarding U.S.-Cuban relations. In taking over the multi-million dollar tobacco industry, the Cuban government accused its operators of sabotaging the economic development of the nation. More specifically, the affected firms were charged with failing to make the customary reservations of top-grade leaf tobacco, thus bringing a deterioration in the product; with neglecting their plants, and in one case with setting up a competing cigar company outside Cuba.

It is logical to ask whether the officials of these firms were confronted with these charges prior to the seizures and asked in reasonable fashion to take corrective measures. Since the confiscations follow a pattern of actions involving both Cuban and foreign business interests and extending back into last vear, it nni' be concluded fiat remier Castro made his decision first nd then looked about for suitable explanations. This is part of a headlong and program of socialization that is crippling the Cuban economy to an irreparable extent. In the long run, it is his own people I'-i v.jU yjji'rr. By RICHARD SPONG The National Plowing Contest is an annual jamboree for conservation conscious farmers, but in presidential years it gets to be something more spectacular a sort of overgrown combination of state fair, hoedown, and political picnic.

The hosts this year are Burton and Dorcas Ode, whose farm near Sioux Falls, S. offers the right combination of crons for the plowing match, and the right combination of level land and hilly terrain. Also and this is important any year, but particularly so in a presidential year it's close to a rural area population center (Brandon) and so affords the best kind of forum for farm speeches by candidates Nixon and Kennedy. The National Plow ink Contest evolved from a state plowing match organized in the early 1940's by Herb Plambeck, farm director of radio station WHO, Des Moines, Iowa. This in turn was an outgrowth of various county and local contests.

Originally the interest was in skill in straight-furrovji' plowing. Soil conservationists began to take interest, among them Plambeek's fellow radio farm directors in the Wisconsin. Iowa, Minnesota area, and now the annual event is under partial sponsorship of the National Association of Conservation Districts. One day of the pro-5 gram is devoted to level-land plowing matches; another to contour This year's host is a leading soil conservationist; tractor-drawn wagon trains will take visitors on an exhibition tour of good soil programs instituted on the Ode farm during the past year. The fact is that while party loyalties undoubtedly remain strong among the sizeable percentage of voters, the hard-core partisans, whether Republican or Democratic, cannot of themselves determine a a i a 1 election.

The electorate has become volatile in an increasing degree during recent years. This is particularly true in the South. The time has pased when the states of the old Confederacy invariably cast their vote for every Democratic nominee whether his name was Cleveland, Bryan, Parker, Wilson or Roosevelt. The election of 1928, when Al Smith ran for the presidency was, it seemed at the time, the exception that proved the rule and was explained away as, in part, a reflection of anti-Catholic sentiment in the South. ONLY FOUR YEARS later, at the time of Franklin D.

Roosevelt's first election, Dixieland was back to its traditional. moorings from which it did not stray again until 1948 when four southern states Alabama. South Carolina. Mississippi and Louisiana cast their electoral votes for Strom Thurmond of the States Rights ticket. This habit of independence in national elections is growing in the South as seen in the circumstance that six states of the South voted for Eisenhower in 1956 but also by the fact that there are six Republican members in the House from the South.

Yet, so far as local and state elections are concerned, the Democratic label remains the sine qua non of a political career. It is this circumstance, among others, that helps explain Nixon's emphasis on voting for the man as president and not on the party tag he wears. And by the same token it is a powerful factor back of Kennedy's strongly partisan pitch in his campaign. In any event, the South has become an important battlefield in the present campaign. Its once impregnable Democratic solidity has been shattered, probably for good.

Yet, as the four Roosevelt campaigns and the Truman campaign of 1948 have demonstrated, it is possible when conditions are otherwise favorable for a Democrat to win the presidency even if the electoral votes of the southern states are subtracted from the total, or, as in the case of Truman, if some tom Ccfcct. i ENR0UTE WITH NIXON-In almost every speech he made on his first campaign tour. Vice President Nixon has urged his listeners to forget party lines and vote for the man who by training, experience and temperament is best fitted to lead the Nation and the free world in the critical years ahead. On the other hand, Senator Kennedy has repeatedly stated that the election of 1960 is no more contest between himself and Nixon but is primarily and preponderantly a conflict between the sharply contrasting philosophies of the Republican and Democratic parties This divergent approach by the two contenders for the presidency does not mean that Nixon is not a thoroughly convinced Republican or that Kennedy lacking in self-confidence. What it reflects is that both men, politicians to their finger tips, are equally aware of the No.

1 fact of American political life, namely, that there are many more Democrats than Republicans-in the United States at the present time. Nixon is acutely conscious of the circumstance that if he is to win he must do what Eisenhower did twice draw his voting strength from Democrats and Independents as well as from Republicans. Indeed, Eisenhower succeeded in winning a huge popular and electoral majority when he ran for reelection in 1956 even though in that same election and to everyone's amazement the Democrats captured both houses of Congress. FOR HIS PART, Kennedy, if he is to make the grade, must retain the support at least of the great majority of his fellow Democrats. In effect, then, both men, responding to political realities, are running on other men's coattails Nixon on Eisenhow-, er's.

whose record in office he defends and praises in every speech, and Kennedy on those of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Truman to which pantheon of Democratic pioneers and pathfinders he sees them) he adds the name of Adlai Stevenson, particularly in states, such as California, where Stevenson remains an idol among a large number of Democratic voters. How effective the contrasting appeals by Nixon and Kennedy will prove to be is, at the moment, anybody's guess. The South Waits For Senator Byrd To Make Another Trip To Old Rag! By ED KOTERBA It's a little hard to get this campaign on. a high level.

We can't seem to get Pat Nixon and Jackie Kennedy out of the bargain basement at Henry Cabot Lodje is an ideal Vice-Presidential candidate. The men think he'll carry Massachusetts and the women tuink he's Cary Grant. One woman says she's praying for Lyndon Johnson, but can't vote for him because she hates to get mixed up in politics. i Eisenhower. Harry Byrd kept silent until after he journeyed to Old Rag summit, 4,000 feet up.

Up there in the majestic solitude, he meditated with Bible in hand, and he- came down off that hill and announced his decision: he wouldn't support either. And, now again, the same chant had arisen: "What's Byrd going to do?" There was one way to find out. Ask him. I recalled Old Rag. "Tell me, senator," I said, trying to make it casual, "been up to Old Rag lately?" HIS EYES brightened.

"As a matter of fact, I have this past week end." The summit is about 60 miles from Berryville, in Shenandoah Kaiional Park. The senator rives to the base and hikes from there. My hunch had paid off! "Who," I then put in a confiding way that seemed certain to unlock the secret, "is your candidate for President?" BERRYVILLE, Va. Harry Byrd's got to make one mere trm up to Old Rag. The Virginia senator actually has a fine setting right here-for deeo meditation a grand white-aillared back porch and an old wooden rocker that looks out' on a sunken garden and yonder at the deep purple ridges.

But for the real momentous decision, he does his meditating on Old Rag. The jolly 73-year-old apple-faced orchardist is unquestion-, ably the best secret-keeper of this political season. He hasn't yet told anybody how he's voting or who he'll support November 8. POLITICAL EARS in 50 a'cs keen twitching fa- his answer. No question abtut it, his decision will influence tens of thousands maybe millions of votes, especially in the South.

Back in 1952, this southern Democrat of the ultra-antilib-eral strain, was badgered for his views ca Adlai vs. The senator chuckled. He paused. "I can't tell you." "Didn't you go up to Old Rag to meditate?" "Not this time." And he explained that he was contributing $6,000 to build a shelter up there and had simply gone up to examine the site. WOULD HEsupport Sen.

John Kennedy who, close associates say, has annoyed Byrd with his proposals to spend an additional billion of federal money in the next few years? Or would he support Vice-President Richard Nixon, the sharp adversary of his political party? At least, could he say whether he had made a decision? No, he said, as if he were enjoying ail this fuss over his "But," he said, as though he were trying to tell me something. "I'm going back up to Old Rag." He didn't say when. The suspense is killing. I hope it's Nixon "Operation Consume" to get rid of crop surpluses. He relies on consuming because have to eat a.i awul lot of orom scs to come up with soir.e new ideas.

Sociology: The study of the group beiavior of animal lowers, such as the Lions, Elks and.