Tucson Daily Citizen du lieu suivant : Tucson, Arizona • Page 24

PAGE 24 EDITORIAL PAGE Pima sease The way Pima County is going, it may soon lead the nation in the rate of growth of venereal disease. "Fantastic" was how Dr. Ernest Siegfried, Pima County health director, described the alarming increase in both syphilis and gonorrhea in this area. It has taken only two years for the number of reported gonorrhea cases to double here, while nationwide it has taken 15 years. Clearly, Pima's volume of VD cases has helped turn venereal disease into a U.S.

epidemic. The words "right," "wrong," "moral" or "immoral" do not apply to this ugly situation. But the words "health," "disease," "crippling" and "pain" do. Whatever the cause sexual freedom, promiscuity, the pill the frightening fact of life is that one out of every five American teen-agers will contract the horrible disease this year. Many of them will be from Pima County, according to Dr.

Siegfried. The proper reaction to this dire prediction is to fight, not to judge. Money, some $16 million of it this year, is being channeled down from the federal to local governments to set up programs for VD education, detection and treatment. Pima County's share of this money is $64,000. With that, and the help of Arizona's laws, the county health department has started an all-out campaign to help VD victims.

It is especially important that young people realize it is not necessary to have parental consent to receive treatment for VD. Pima County provides both testing and treatment, free, at its clinics at 108 W. 29th St. (Mondays and Thursdays) and at 151 W. Congress St.

(Tuesdays and Fridays) between 8:30 and 10:30 a.m. Any person, young or adult, who suspects venereal infection should have an immediate checkup at the county clinic or by a private physician. Early detection is crucial in preventing the crippling effects of venereal disease. Free information on VD can be obtained by telephoning or visiting the Pima County Health Department. Nobody knows for certain what caused last Wednesday's low visibility.

Nor does anyone know how harmful it was. Officially, the word from the Pima County Air Pollution Control District was: "We have no continuous monitoring equipment. And besides, our chemist is on vacation." The National Weather Service wasn't any more helpful: "You can blame anyone you want the mines, autos or people." Chances are the mines, autos, people and other factors are responsible for the excessive haze Wednesday morning. Those would be local causes and no doubt each contributed its share to Wednesday's poor visibility. But local factors may not be the only, or even the most significant, causes as the city of Riverside, has learned recently.

That city of 148,000 tucked between the mountains and the desert 50 miles east of Los Angeles has been considered a smogless sanctuary. But not now. "Smog aierts" are more and more frequent. Pollution climbs above an acceptable level and unnecessary outdoor activities, such as school recesses and athletics, are halted. Participants are herded inside.

It is not that industry has found Riverside. Those residents are being victimized by smog-producing conditions and unfavorable winds which deposit the yellow- brown-grey stuff around them. What is true of Riverside is true also of other California communities. It could have been true of Tucson last Wednesday and possibly will be in the future unless steps are taken to guard against it. The federal government cannot control the winds.

However, it can and should see to it that each state sets and enforces strong anti-pollution standards. Only in this way can residents be protected from pollution caused within their own and neighboring states. William A. Small Publisher Paul A. McKalip, Editor Tony Tselentis, Associate Editor Dale Walton, Managing Editor George C.

McLeod, Editorial Page Editor MONDAY, JULY 10, 1972 Quiet waters Nixon 9 fountain for youth By BARRY GOLDWATER If the Xixon Administration loses the youth vote in the November election, it will in a very large part be its own fault. I don't believe the administration has done enough to toot its own horn in this respect. While the commentators tell us that Sen. George McGovern, the leading Democratic candidate for president, has captured the imagination of America's youngest voters, the fact remains President Nixon has the best record ever attained in this category. It is ironic that the President's main point in attacking what has been called the generation gap is largely responsible for the little attention it has received among the youth.

This is because the Nixon approach to the younger voters is aimed at not segregating them from the rest of the voting population. It might be said that he has not condescended to the young people by treating them solely as a special self-centered interest group. Instead, Mr. Nixon has treated them as serious and capable citizens whose concerns range across the whole spectrum of social issues. lation between the ages of 18 and 21, for example, has been given the right to participate directly in the political process through the right to vote.

Also under Nixon, draft calls have been steadily reduced and the transition to a voluntary military system has begun. The President and his advisers have also contributed importantly to the welfare of our youth through programs aimed at controlling drug addiction, expanding educational opportunities and providing new jobs. It should be noted that the Nixon program to create jobs includes new job-development tax credits, repeal of the automobile excise tax and measures aimed at reducing a competition from abroad which has reduced the market for American goods and consequently reduced the job opportunities. In the last fiscal year, 2 million people took part in 11,000 manpower projects operated by the Department of Labor. Job banks, designed to bring the job and the job hunters together faster, have been installed in over 100 metropolitan areas.

A major effort in this connection has been made to find jobs for returning veterans, both on a long-term and a short-term basis. Under Nixon, the youth popu- But perhaps the most impor- democracy By ROSCOE DRUMMOND MIAMI BEACH At the end of the marathon series of primaries and at the beginning of a frenzied national convention, two things can fairly be said: 1 Sen. George McGovern has earned the Democratic presidential nomination if anybody has. 2 Presidential candidates ought never again to be subjected to this hideous, unfair, undemocratic process for deciding who shall be nominated. If openly elected national conventions are not to be trusted to make the choice, then the exhausting, demeaning, profligate system of end-on-end primaries must be radically reformed.

The fact that these primaries did not yield anything approaching a majority verdict of the Democratic party does not make McGovern's moral claim any less valid. He used the only system open to -him. He used it honestly and effectively. He won most of the delegates in contest. No other contender came near to his delegate total.

Just because McGovern benefited by an unrepresentative, outmoded set of primaries does not set aside Ms legitimacy. He played by the past rules and the rules ought not be changed in the middle of the game. But they do need to be changed for everybody before we face it all over again for these reasons: It creates a distorted result. The winner of the highest popular vote got the fewest delegates. With the largest popular vote, Humphrey got 300 delegates and McGovern, with fewer popular votes, got about 1.200 delegates.

There's something wrong somewhere if the purpose is to enable voters to decide whom they want their party to nominate. The present primary system produces winners on the basis of a minute percentage of voters. The primaries are massively neglected by voters because rarely tant of the issues affecting ycang people has been the war in Vietnam that frustrating conflict which has drained so many young lives in the past 11 years. And in this connection it must be recorded that whsa Mr. Nixon took office in 1969, tiie authorized troop ceiling in Vietnam was almost 550,000 and no U.S.

troop withdrawal plan existed. But by May 1, 1972, our troop ceiling in Vietnam was down to 69,000, which means that in 3 years American troops have been cut 87 per cent. Even more important, however, American combat deaths have been reduced by 95 per cent as our ground combat role in Vietnam was brought to an end. There can be no doubt that President Nixon has made good also on his plans to bring more young people Mo the national government. In all the years that I have been in Washington, I have never known of so many important jobs being held by people 30 years of age and under than there are today.

In all events, the truth of the matter is that the President has been acting while his opponents have been merely talking. There is a vast difference. Copyright 1972 is does it appear that a single primary is crucial. This isn't "participation it is nonparticipation politics. There is a further weakness.

A national decision, which is what a party's presidential nom- ination'is, rests on the whim of each state. Thus primaries are today held -in a minority of states and bring to bear on the end result a small minority of voters. Either the whole nation should have the opportunity to vote in one national primary or at most a series of three or four regional primaries or there shouldn't be any primaries. Anything else is unrepresentative, undemocratic and misleading. I have always thought we ought to try out the national primary tentatively until we find out how well it works.

It could be advisory with the conventions making the final choice. But save us from another such 23-mile cross-country primary race like this year. Copyright 1972 "There goes tlie last meal I bor- delaise, potato croquettes, Brussels sprouts, McGovern's problem 'Elitism? turns off laboi By VICTOR RIESEL One day last month Hubert Humphrey put in a person-to- person call to labor chief George Meany. The broad-beamed leader of labor leaders, who directs a national political machine which is a national party in all but name, quickly took the phone. "I telephoned Mr.

Meany," Sen. Humphrey told me the other day, "to let him know that I intended to stay in this presidential thing right up to the convention and right through it; that I never intended to drop out despite the California primary results and never did I plan to quit. I wanted to know what Mr. Meany's views were." What were the views of Meany and the overwhelming majority of the leaders of some 118 politically strategic national AFL- CIO unions? From what Sen. Humphrey told me, Meany's reply was that he sure was not for McGovern and "his only concern was, as I going to stay in?" "I assured him," added HHH, was no doubt aibout it at all.

Since then I have been in touch with Al Barkaa (director of the AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE). Our people are working with him as he is working with Jackson, Muskie and others." Sen. Humphrey added that "this convention is wide open" and because of the united opposition "there is every possibility McGovern won't get it (the nomination)." There is far more to the antipathy of labor to McGovern than the natural desire to have a friend, not a neutral, in 1 the White House. Most labor leaders don't trust McGovern. There are some who do, it should be reported Jerry Wurf of the Municipal Em- ployes, the Auto Workers, Central and Western Teamsters.

There will be about 100 labor men and women in the McGovern convention bloc. But the majority of leaders -Meany, steel's I.W. Abel, rubber's Peter Bommarito, Paul Hall's seafarers and' Maritime Trades Department, et'al. -just don't trust him politically as well as philosophically. Why? Back in McGovern's early days the AFL-CIO staked the neophyte McGovern.

They gave him his first headquarters in South Dakota. Late in the 1962 senatorial campaign, iis first bid for the upper house, they gave him considerable sums. But toward the end, McGovern ran out of money. He went to Al Barkan and asked for to be paid to a public relations firm. Barkan went to Meany.

The grant was approved if McGovern would submit to an audit of previous labor contributions. McGovern told them off. He did not get the money. But he already had gotten considerable funds and manpower. He won.

Three years later he turned on them. He voted against them, saying he could not whip up any enthusiasm for labor, on a technical Taft-Hartley issue. He bucked them because they would not surrender to the Soviets and the State Department's demand that all wheat trade be carried in Russian or third-country ships. The Ameri- can waterfront unions were insisting and still are today -on a 50-50 share of all cargoes for American freighters. This aloofness has carried through the 1972 primaries.

He has made it clear and his campaigners have put in even sharper focus that they do not need the labor movement. "The basic difference between labor and McGovern," says one of its topside policy makers, "is that he is an elitist. He will attempt to sidetrack the labor his concept there is no room for any voluntary group which has power or influence today not the AFL- CIO, not ttoe N.A.M. "McGovern has a new social structure interwoven in his politics, a structure of realignment of various groups which seek to dismantle what there is not. McCarthy couldn't hold it.

McGovern carries on the old Henry Wallace tradition and practice." McGovern would build his own social base in which there would be no room for the labor movement, they say. In effect, so says Sen. Humphrey. When we talked he noted that there were "no more than 30 Italo-Americans" in McGovern's convention delegation "despite the concentration in New York, Massachusetts, and California. Nor were there many of the Jewish faith.

Nor many big city mayors or county supervisors. And few labor leaders. "If McGovern purists, and new recruits," snapped Humphrey, "push out the representatives of the labor movement, they'll end up with an empty shell." Copyright 1972 Tune in tomorrow By ART BUCHWALD Everyone has his own scenario for this week's Democratic National Convention. This is the one that I have written and if it comes true, remember, you read it here. It is the fourth day of the convention and the Democrats have been unable to decide on a presidential candidate.

The fight to seat delegations has taken up three days and those people who were ruled ineligible have refused to give up their seats to those who were officially designated as delegates to the convention. Almost every state delegation has two people sitting in every chair. No one dares leave the floor for fear that someone will grab Ms seat. When someone tries to speak he is hooted down by the opposition faction. Larry O'Brien, the chairman of the party, has the podium ringed with the National Guard so no one can 'grab the microphone.

The nomination speeches have not been heard, but the candidates have been nominated McGovern, Humphrey, Wallace, Chisholm, Jackson and Muskie. There have been no demonstrations for the candidates in the hall because everyone is afraid if he gets up and marches they won't let Mm back in Ms section again. On the first ballot McGovern picked up 1.234 votes, well shy of the 1,509 he needed. The rest were split between the other candidates with the uncommitted refusing to vote for anyone. The second and tMrd ballot found no one budging.

By the tenth ballot of Wednesday's all-night session, the convention was hopelessly deadlocked. The state delegations caucused right on the floor, trying to get people to change their minds. But it was impossible. On NBC, John Chancellor and David Brinkley became short- tempered and refused to talk to each other. Howard Smith and Han-" Reasoner on ABC were also not speaking to each other, and on CBS, Walter CronMte wasn't talking to himself.

It was obvious to everyone in and out of the convention hall that a compromise candidate had to be found one who had not already been nominated. But who? The Democratic party leaders call a recess behind the podium. They argue and thrash it out for several hours. The only man whose name is proposed as the compromise candidate is a very famous, but controversial, figure on the American scene. He has announced many times that he is not a candi- for the presidency or the vice presidency, and has said under no conditions would he accept a draft.

Yet, the leaders argue he is the one person who can save the party. This young man, whose name had been associated with a very embarrassing incident, is a household word now. Because of the deadlock at the convention, he is the only one who can possibly beat Nixon in November. The compromise candidate is not at the convention. He has purposely stayed away so people would believe he was not interested in the nomination.

O'Brien puts in a call to him. Everyone, in turn, gets on the phone and tells him he has to be the candidate. The compromise candidate speaks to George McGovern, Himphrey, Muskie and Wallace. They urge him to run. The candi- datt finally agrees to a draft and says he will take the next plane to Miami.

And that's how Bobby Fischer, the U.S. chess champion, became the Democratic presidential nominee for 1972. Copyright 1972 Arizona Album Eighty-six years ago in "the Old Pueblo TUCSON, ARIZONA TERRITORY, JULY 10,1888 University a possibility It looks as though steps are about to be taken to secure the benefits of the law establishing the territorial university in this city. Tucson now has two active representatives on the board of regents, and they possess the requisite energy to accomplish something. The resignations of one or two of the apathetic members of the board of regents would add to the better organization of the board.

The clear, dry atmosphere of Arizona suggests the establishment of an observatory here, as the proper caper for the advancement of astronomical knowlege. Word was received this morning that a telegram had been received at Fort Huachuca from Gen, Miles, to signal Antelope Springs, tne Svtfsshelms, and Steen's Peak; that the hostile Apaches are returning to Arizona, and ordering every water hole carefully guarded, and ordering couriers to notify the settlers. The General, from what he has learned, believes that the hostiles are heading for the Dragoons, where he thinks they intend to make a stand. It would be well for cattlemen and ranchers to keep a close lookout for hostiles during the next few days. Complied by Yndia Smalley Moore, Citizen historical editor, frcir, the Arizona Citizen.