The Courier-News from Bridgewater, New Jersey • Page 11

OPINION How long before Serbian-Americans protest? TheGouner-News Henry M. Freeman, Publisher Carol A. Hunter, Editor Laura G. Harrigan, Managing Editor Barbra Bateman, Editorial Page Editor EDITORIALS A 30,1993 A responsible report Carbide study contrasts with J-M's flight A Union Carbide report indicates that workers processing vinyl substances at its Piscataway plant from 1946 to 1967 ran a greater risk of contracting pancreatic cancer than other workers. Nine have died from the disease.

It seems likely that the study undertaken by company physicians may have been prompted by fear of legal liability. It is, nonetheless, a mark of corporate responsibility that the company is advising current employees and retirees who have can find no peace in the present. But that is Serbia and the Serbs. It is an illness of the mind and soul that infects many Serbian-Americans, that shadows their second and third generations in this nation. It takes an act of will to escape it, this acceptance of evil among one's own people.

A sense of moral loathing is needed, but among Serbian-Americans, virtually nothing is said, no protest is raised, the infamy of the Balkans is met with silence the silence of shame. I wonder how long I must wait to see Americans of Serbian heritage we are, after all, Americans first arise and denounce the mutants who slaughter the women and children of Bosnia and smirk at the world in the process. FROM THE GREAT SLAV EN- claves of Cleveland and Chicago, across the Great Divide to San Pedro in California, Serbian-Americans bearing moral witness cannot be found. A normally boisterous people has nothing to say. Theirs is a deafening silence.

Within my own family, as I have railed against Milosevic and his murderers, my arguments are met with an appeal to understand what Serbia has suffered in its history. I'm told to remember the Turks, the Croats who joined with Hitler's soldiers in killing hundreds of thousands of Serbs, that it takes two to make a war. Those who count the sins of their ancient enemies to build a justification for acts of evil today are worthy neither of our pity nor our understanding, only of our contempt. George Mitrovich is a San Diego civic leader. By GEORGE MITROVICH "The accumulating deaths make the wall dividing us from Europe and the world even higher and more formidable, placing us not only on the other side of the border but on the other side of reason, too." Slavenka Drakulic, "The Balkan Express" The war in the Balkans roars on.

The bodies pile higher and higher. The hospitals have no room for the wounded. The screams of the innocent pierce the day and haunt the night. In the capitals of Europe, in the capital of our own nation, shamefully posturing politicians, devoid of any moral center, lacking the will to act, pray that their duplicity escapes us. It does not.

But political posturing and hypocrisy are not new. What is new and terribly different about the war in the former Yugoslavia is the abject failure of Serbian-Americans to grasp the brutal savagery of that evil conflict and to protest Serbia's guilt. THE MIND-SET OF MANY SER-bian-Americans is unfathomable even to this Serbian-American. In their minds, everyone else is to blame, especially the Croats and Bosnians. The murder and mayhem unleashed by the Serbs upon their former countrymen is others' fault.

Serbia's culpability is ignored. Be very clear about this: The overwhelming blame for what is happening in the land of the South Slavs lies with Serbia and its thugs in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Croats are not blameless and the Bosnians bear some guilt, but it is Serbia alone that THE ISSUE Union Carbide has studied the incidence of pancreatic cancer among its workers from 1946 to 1967 and has invited afflicted employees and retirees to get in touch. ACTION NEEDED pancreatic cancer to ask their family doctor to contact a Union Carbide physician. That action also is consistent with the objectives of the state's right-to-know law.

It requires manufacturers to label hazardous substances used in the workplace and to train employees in their safe use and disposal. The original legislation was legitimately opposed by industry groups as regulatory overkill. But, with a smaller and more realistic list of toxins to label, the law now provides management and labor with the knowledge to more frequently avoid the kind of serious stands to be condemned. Many times have I endeavored to look away from the atrocities committed by those whose heritage I share, because the sights and sounds of the evil they have wrought in their collective madness is nauseous to me. The writing of this commentary is an ordeal because it brings before me the images of too many dead and dying Muslims in Bosnia dead and dying because of the Serbs.

Serbian-Americans can no more explain this nightmare away than they can explain away the fact that the president of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, has emerged as one of history's greatest war criminals, including the monsters of the Third Reich. (In this there is no small irony, given the pogrom of ethnic cleansing by the Nazis against Serbs in World War II.) Serbian-Americans may bear no blame for what is happening in the Balkans, but their silence may be construed as moral support for Serbia. In the face of such evil, there is no place for the rationalization of slaughter. But that is precisely what many Serbian-Americans are doing rationalizing the brutality of Serbia by invoking history, by reciting the centuries of the Serbs' servile status under the Turks, of the Croat alliance with Hitler and his henchmen: If only others "understood" the nature of the conflict, they would see clearly that the fault lies with the Croats and Bosnians and their European and American sympathizers. But to this one Serbian-American, it won't wash.

There is something fundamentally wrong with a people so mired in the bitterness and hatred of the past they Companies who suspect their workers may have faced serious health risks should make full disclosure. WATWU6 ttT WiAfcD LETTERS health risks Union Carbide has just documented. Ironically, the study showed that the overall health of workers at its Piscataway plant during the years reviewed was higher than the national average. Whether or not litigation follows, Union Carbide's response is far more responsible than Johns-Manville's. When the lethal threat posed by exposure of its workers to asbestos began to emerge two decades ago, the company stonewalled all inquiries.

It then closed the Manville plant and filed for bankruptcy to avoid full payment of compensation to workers afflicted with asbestosis and other fatal lung infections. New Jersey is home to the nation's third-highest concentration of petrochemical companies. Openness about potential problems and notification of workers must be the standard. Ewing answers opponent on senatorial courtesy It was disconcerting to note the careless misrepresentation of facts in a letter from my opponent (C-N, Aug. 19).

At this time, I would like to respond. Mr. Mania, Mr. Kish and Mr. Slade have been confirmed to gubernatorial appointments during 1992 and 1993.

Mr. Carnell has not been resubmitted for his nomination during this calendar year by the governor's office and he continues to sit on the Right to Know Advisory Board. Ed Scannell has not been confirmed due to an unfulfilled questionnaire requirement. I regret the deliberate politicizing of facts which misconstrued my discretionary use of Senatorial Courtesy. For the record, the nominees mentioned represent both the Democratic and Republican parties.

Senatorial Courtesy should be examined in the light of its heritage a check on the nomination process whereby the executive and the legislative branches both participate in the nomination of quality public servants. It is my hope that through this practice, we have worked together to ensure that the best people are selected to serve the state of New Jersey and its citizenry. JOHN H. EWING Bedminister Senator Ewing (R-Bernardsville) represents the 16th Legislative District. Ms.

Sylvester's suggestion to return NOW's recommendation marked "Return to WAYNE BRYANT CAMDEN D-Assemblyman Bryant represents Legislative District 5 in Camden. A guest editorial: China had to be punished The trade sanctions imposed on China last week were made only after intelligence agencies produced what the State Department calls "unambiguous evidence" that the government in Beijing last year delivered missile-related technology to Pakistan, which has been working feverishly to develop its own nuclear arsenal. Under those circumstances, U.S. law made the sanctions unavoidable. By transferring missile components China violated its 1991 commitment to the United States to abide by the provisions of the Missile Technology Control Regime.

That international agreement is an effort to control the spread of nuclear weapons by curbing the means for delivering them. China, apparently putting its appetite for hard-cash military sales ahead of its promise to Washington, chose to gamble that its technology transfers would either go undetected or be ignored. Its gamble failed, and the question now is what longer-term impact this will have on Sino-American relations. It is important to note that China's exports to the United States are not affected by the sanctions. The main result will be to hold up for two years sales of U.S.

satellites to China. Potential losses to U.S. exporters could total $1 billion. China, eager to modernize its communications systems, could suffer some inconvenience. The biggest blow, though, may be to its pride.

The Chinese government insists on the respect traditionally accorded a major power. It is more likely to be insulted than materially damaged. President Clinton, while candidate Clinton, talked about getting tough with Beijing over human rights abuses. But two months ago he opted to extend most-favored-nation trading status to China for another year. The move was meant to signal continuing U.S.

interest in having solid and cordial relations with the world's most populous country. That is an estimable goal. But at the same time the United States cannot turn a blind eye when China violates its solemn promises or abuses the rights of its citizens, inviting the responses specified by U.S. law. The sanctions are nothing to cheer about, but the principles and values they seek to uphold are.

This editorial first appeared in the Los Angeles Times. mendation based upon her avowed willingness to listen to alternatives to the current welfare policy. Although she has gone on record previously as supporting this policy, she has failed to articulate her own alternatives. Our welfare reform law fuses rights with responsibility. It challenges welfare recipients to break the cycle of dependency and regain control of their own lives.

The bipartisan effort to pass this law testifies to the broad base of support for a unique and potentially effective reform of a morally and politically bankrupt system. The ease of Ms. Whitman's ability to swing between support for welfare reform and support for NOW's defense of the status quo should give every voter pause. If Ms. Whitman favors changes, the people have a right to know the nature and the scope of those changes.

Only a clear, unequivocal statement will prevent voters from concluding that her position owes more to expedience than to a careful weighing of the interests at stake. If Ms. Whitman actually supports the current welfare law, she might very well consider taking We welcome your views on public issues. You can: Mail them to Letters to the Editor, P.O. Box 6600, Bridgewater, N.J.

08807. Call them to us at 722-9191. Fax them to us at 707-3252. Provide your name, address and daytime phone number to assist in verification. We reserve the right to edit all letters.

Letters should not exceed 250 words; longer ones will be edited to that length. If you wish to submit a longer letter, or if you have questions about our opinion pages, call Editorial Page Editor Barbra Bateman at 707-3128. Author of welfare reform awaits Whitman position Sherry Sylvester's August 8 column missed a major point when it comes to the New Jersey Chapter of the National Organization of Women's "recommendation" of Christine Todd Whitman. As the author of the New Jersey Family Development Act, the most progressive welfare law in the nation, I am concerned about Ms. Whitman's failure to give a consistent position on our welfare reform law.

Ms. Whitman won New Jersey NOW's recom- Orangeburg Massacre justice finally comes By JACK BASS DOONESBURY By GARRY TRUDEAU tuat'c. a i had dp CRAPOLA, YOU KNOW IT! 1UHILZ you go soak yew heap, lefSMOVBONTOTW YEAH, MARK, YOU SP3NP All NI6HT5ITTIN6IN JUPG MFNT OF OTHER. PE0PL5, BUT YOU NEVER TALK ABOUT YOURSELF! WHAT'S UP, MAN -P0 YOU CAU5R! H3LL0? a life all black and the Associated Press misreported and never corrected the incident as "an exchange of gunfire." Most of the press largely bought the official line, and the story was quickly forgotten. It got a paragraph in Newsweek, no mention at all in Time.

I was in Orangeburg when the shooting occurred. I'd met Sellers a year earlier while working on a story for the Charlotte Observer. Jack Nelson, now The Times' Washington bureau chief, and I began looking into the circumstances surrounding the shooting, and, as a result of his investigatory work, we learned that the students were shot from the side or rear as they turned to fall or flee. "The Orangeburg Massacre," which we wrote in 1970, received considerable critical acclaim, but little distribution after FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover attacked it.

Two years later, I covered Sellers' trial on three riot-related charges that grew out of the Orangeburg massacre. By that time, he had earned his masters degree in education administration at Harvard. A federal jury had acquitted nine highway patrolmen of imposing summary punishment without due process of law. After hearing the testimony of 10 prosecution witnesses, state Circuit Judge John Grimball remarked: "Nobody has ever put the defendant (Sellers) into the area of rioting on (the night of the shooting) with the exception that he was wounded, and that, to my mind, means very little." He dismissed the charges of conspiracy to riot and incitement to riot, leaving only the misdemeanor charge of rioting for the jury to consider. Sentenced to a year in jail, he was released after seven months for good behavior.

It was not until late last year that the arc of moral justice began bending toward Sellers. On a trip to South Carolina last fall, I had visited Rhett Jackson, a longtime friend and owner of the largest book store in South Carolina. He is a past chairman of the state's Probation, Pardon and Parole Board and remains a member. During a visit a few weeks later, I told Sellers that I had learned a1 pardon begins with an application and asked if he was interested. A few weeks later, I sent a two-page letter in support of the pardon application he had filed.

Meanwhile this year, by refusing to air an award-winning radio documentary on the Orangeburg Massacre, South Carolina Educational Radio unwittingly helped create a climate in which the state could overcome a quarter century of denial. Newspapers jumped on the network's defense of censorship, using the 25th anniversary of the shooting to make the term Orangeburg Massacre a part of the state's vocabulary. Former Gov. Robert E. McNair, who had branded Sellers as an "outside agitator" who was responsible for the student discord and later pushed for his prosecution, always had referred to the episode as the "Orangeburg incident." On July 20, the pardon board voted unanimously to pardon Sellers after a staff investigation recommended it.

SELLERS RETURNED TO HIM HOME TOWN of Denmark several years ago, after earning a Ph.D. in education from the University of North Carolina. But until his pardon last month, he had been unable to get a college teaching job in South Carolina even though he serves on the state Board of Education. The University of South Carolina has since offered him a one-year faculty appointment, beginning this fall, teaching Afro-American studies and civil-rights history. On the Sunday after Sellers' pardon, South Carolina's largest daily newspaper, the Columbia State, said in its lead editorial that the pardon "was long, long overdue," but represented "a significant step toward reconciliation and the healing process." To Sellers, the meaning of the pardon "is the state had said it's sorry, not to me, but through me to a larger class of African-Americans." At a time when the nation needs racial healing and reconciliation, the pardon of Cleveland Sellers by the state of South Carolina sends a message of hope that as the "Orangeburg Massacre" moves onto the pages of history, it remains possible to move toward the elusive goal of justice.

Jack Bass is a professor of journalism at the University of Mississippi. I Last month, Cleveland Sellers and I celebrated his pardon by the South Carolina Probation, Pardon and Parole Board. Twenty-three years ago, Sellers had been a victim of Jim Crow justice, convicted of rioting in what became known as the "Orangeburg Massacre." In toasting the end of official denial of what had happened on the night of Feb. 8, 1968, and of the economic price he'd paid for an unjust conviction, we recalled the words of Martin Luther King speech at the end of the march from Selma to Montgomery in 1965: "Even though the arc of the moral universe is long, it bends toward justice." Maybe so. At the time, black students at South Carolina State College at Orangeburg were protesting segregation at the town's only bowling alley.

Three nights of confrontation between them and a band of all-white patrolmen, armed with riot guns loaded with buckshot, were heading toward tragedy. SELLERS, 23, AN OFFICE OF THE STUD-ent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, had returned to his native state of South Carolina to advocate the then-new idea of "black awareness" and to build opposition to the escalating war in Vietnam. The bowling alley hadn't interested him. At 10:33 on that fateful and confused February night, the officers suddenly started shooting. It lasted 8 to 10 seconds.

The shooting was triggered by a patrolman's firing into the air what he intended as warning shots as students who had retreated to the campus interior drifted back toward the periphery while firemen doused a bonfire. Three students were slain, 27 wounded. Among the wounded was Sellers, who was walking from a dormitory toward the front of the campus when he was hit by buckshot. Police later arrested him at the hospital where he was being treated and charged him with several crimes, among them arson and attempted murder. Unlike the far better-known Kent State shootings, where four students died, the gunfire at Orangeburg occurred in darkness, the victims were HY, NOWAY! PEAP AIR ftPWeNClNQ recHfiicAL- 1.