The Courier News from Blytheville, Arkansas on August 7, 1944 · Page 12
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The Courier News from Blytheville, Arkansas · Page 12

Blytheville, Arkansas
Issue Date:
Monday, August 7, 1944
Page 12
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Page 12 article text (OCR)

TWELVE Excerpt from Btalomont from office of Secretory of Christian Social Relations fliid Local Church Activities, Southeastern Jurisdiction Women's Society of Christian Service, The Molhodisl Church, issued in 1042, »I/rarEVII,LE (AUK.) COURIER NEWS MONDAY, AUGUST 7, 1944 "...Race As An Issue Is the Refuge of Demagogs f Who As Candidates Must Divert Attention From Their Records and from the Greed of Special Interests Supporting Them for Office" We Apologize! This is a most disaK'cenblo task, but it is a duty which we in Pulaski county owe to the rest of .tlio Btatc,'for it wus hero that Homer Adkins got his sturt in politics. Wo had hoped, when ho was elected governor, that his political standards had improved through the years—but to our sorrow'we find thiit he itil! seeks to advance himself by spreading hatred— by creating divisions nmonif our people. Wo in I'ulaski comity lhorauf;My repudiated Iiiru July 25th, when 13,4.10 citizens, out of 17,673, scratched his name. Pill Fulbvight carried our county then, and his majority on August 8th will be between 10,000 and 12,000. It would not be becoming of Senator-to-be Bill Fulbright to take time out from his presentation of the real issues in order to give detailed answers to the distortions ami misrepresentations directed at him by hia desperate, despairing opponent, whose strident tones over tno radio are reminiscent oE tho ranting that used to ride Hie air waves from central Europe. Hate! Hnte! Hale! Every word, every phrase, every sentence from Adkins is full of it. H's no pleasure, but we deem it a privilege, to set down here, in as few words as possible, the simple facts about the ridiculous charges with which Adkins is filling his speeches, his advertisements, his handbills. His charges against Bill Fulhright nro us groundless as those he filed against John I,. McClellan in 19.18—which the Senate investigating committee reported wcro false. FUI,ASKI COUNTY CITIZENS SUPPORTING BHA FULBRIGHT FOK U. S. SENATOR ADKINS' ~ Adkins' "Negro Issue" r ~ In newspaper advertisements, circulars and speeches, Adkins rants: "Fulbright Only Arkansas Congressman to Vote to Retain Wm. Tickens, Negro, Alleged Communist." I An obvious resort to racial prejudice by a frantic politician. His ads also refer disparagingly to certain Congressmen from other states who at one time or another have voted as did Bill Fnlbright. These men, whoso loyalty to our national ideals Adkins thus questions, include: i Aticliincloss, D'Alcsandro, Elierharter, Capo/.zoli, i Kuivk'cl, Snclowski, Plooser, Monkiewicz, Brehni, i Herter, Sasscer, Schwabe, Schiffler, Scheutz and 1 others. '••' These men must be respected American citizens, otherwise they could not be members of the American Congress, Why does Adkins list these particular names? Is it to arouse prejudice, to stir hatreds? Among the Congressmen on whom he attempts to fasten suspicion are veterans of World War I and members of the American Legion. THIS IS A RESPONSE TO PAIGN OF HATE An Unbiased Judgment We don't ask that you accept onr judgment of Adkins and his motives. Simply read the declaration of Methodist women, quoted at the top of this page. Apply it to Adkins' campaign. "Will'Adkins, a member of tho Methodist denomination, take issue with the findings of the women leaders of tho church? The condemnation of demagogs came in furtherance of a resolution adopted January 28,19-12, by the Southeastern Jurisdiction, Woman's Society of Christian Service, the Church. Two paragraphs from that resolution are directly in point: "We recommend that, as one of onr obligations as Christian citi/.cns, we educate against the injection of nice us an issue in political campaigns; "We further urge the women of the Southeastern Jurisdiction lo use all their power against this practice." That is the language of Methodist women of the South. Already this year, candidates who injected the race issue in their campaigns have been defeated in several Southern States. In its issue of May 16, 1944, Hie Arkansas Gazette said editorially: "It's not the highest ground to put it on, but a sufficient reason for not appealing to race prejudices in a political campaign is fliat it won't work. Or at least it didn't work in the three stales of the Deep South in which it was invoked." (Alabama, Florida, Georgia.) It will not work in Arkansas. The FACTS Now let's see just what was the question on which Fillbright voted, and to which Adkins takes exception? It was not whether a Negro would bo employed by the government. It was not whether a Communist would be employed. ' It was whether the National House of Representatives was to establish a precedent for taking time out from important business to say what persons should be hired by executive departments. Bill Fnlbright voted against establishing such a precedent. Time has proved him right. No further attempt has been made to adopt such a practice. Here are the details: Four men were named in an amendment to an appropriation bill as unfit for federal employment. Then had not been triad and convicted by any tribunal, but the Republicans furnished enough votes to pass the amendment. Next day, they discovered that one of the four was a Negro. The Republicans backed up—so far as the Negro was concerned. Bill Fulbright simply stood bis ground. He didn't Jhink Congress ought to single put individuals for snch actions—and he voted his convictions, first, when there were four involved, and again, when only one was concerned. A Contrast In Men and Methods Suppose fhat Bill Fulbrighr were governor and Htar Adkins wera his opponent. And suppose that in the Welfare Department, for the operation of which the governor is responsible to tho people, thera were two Negro caie workeri and a Negro stenographer, working in the same office with white members of the staff. Don't you know that Adkini would be jumping up and down, denouncing Fulbright? That's the sort of "issue" raised by Homer Adkins now. Bill Fulbright does not regard the Walfaro Department'* employment of Negro staff members as an issue on which to make a campaign for the Senate. Negro staff members are employed by the Stata Welfare Department, but Bill Fulbright has not attempted to impugn Adkins' attitude on the racial problem—even though Adkins is the first governor under which this condition has existed. Adkins is conducting his bid for office in a campaign of hatred, and incitement of suspicion and distrust among our people. Bill Fulbright asks support on the basis of his record and ability. The people know which of these men will bring credit to the state; and which would not. Their votes July 25th are proof of that. The C. I. 0. "Issue" Attempts to hang the C. I. 0. onto Bill Fulbright's candidacy have been made (1) by an anonymous circular quoting the Memphis Commercial Appeal (that newspaper sharply citimed this unjustified attack on Bill Fulbright) and (2) by "disclosure" of obviously prearranged correspondence between two men OUTSIDE ARKANSAS. Don't you know that if the C. I. 0. had actually endorsed Bill Fulbright, the endorsement \yould have como to Fulbright, and not been put in the hands of his enemi'es? When Dr. J. M. Robinson, Negro leader, endorsed Homer Adkins, the letter went to Adkins and was made public by Adkins. Robinson wrote Adkins: "We are passing the word down the line through our county committeemen to those who may be permitted to vote next Tuesday to support you without ado." (From news article in Arkansas Gazette, July 20, 1944.) Bill Fulbright did not seize upon that news article and magiufy its implications, because to do so would have been contrary to his principles. Adkins said that he did not solicit the Negro endorsement, and Bill Fulbright was content to leave it to the people to judge Adkins' sincerity for themselves. Bill Fulbright has frankly stated that he welcomes all support— labor included—that comes without a price tag. It doesn't take a letter from a man in Missouri to an individual in Oklahoma to establish that Bill Fulbright is an honorable, trustworthy congressman, fair to all Interests. Bill-Fulbright has not involved himself in internal labor politics, nor sought to accentuate, or profit politically by, division within their ranks. The Droll "Issue" For insinuating that Bill Fulbright, who will bo JO next April, is n slnckor, Adkiio 1ms been rebukes! by Draft linard Members, Newspapers, World War I veterans, Arkansans now in military service and nil who scratched Adkins' name July 26. Wlmt Adkins neglects to explain is thnt it \vns the State Selective Service office, hcndod by his nppointeo, General Compere-, which decided that a Popo county board should classify Bill Fulbright. General Compere's office could hav* required that tho Washington County Hoard handle tho case, although tha chairman of thnt board wns a law ns- Eociate of Bill Fulbright's opponent in tho Third District Congressional Campaign, then in progress. But General Compere's office—no 0110 else—elected to direct the Pope County Hoard to classify Bill Ful- tiriglit, and it placed him in 3-A, along with other pre-Pearl Harbor fathers. The G-l "Issne" AdUins asks you to believe that Bill Fulbright was not for the G. I. Bill of Kighti. On this "issue" ho seeks to prejudice men in tho armed services and their families ngainst Bill Fulbright. Henry Cochran, commander of Lynn Shelter, Poat No. 27, American Legion, has mada public a letter he received from Bill Fulbright two months before the 0. I. Bill was voted on, in which Congressman Fulhright gave 'the legislation hia unequivocal endorsement. Not a single voto «-«s cast against the Act, and the Congressional Record of tho voto reflects Bill Fulbright's pair for the measure. He was in Arkansas at the time, prepared to leave his campaign and return to Washington if the bill had been in jeopardy. These facts, having been made public, were available to Adkins. But still he continues his campaign of misrepresentation and hate. I *». The "World Education Issue" Because Secretary of State Hull invited Bill Fulbright to serve as chairman of the United States delegation at an international conference on post-war education, Adkins charges that Bill Fulbright wants this country to pay for educating the world.. That, of course, is ridiculous. If Bill Fulbright had declined to accept the appointment tendered by Secretary Hull, don't you know that Adkins would now be saying that he (Fulbright) had shirked a duty to his country and had been afraid to go to London ? The Conference plan set up an Allied Coin- • mission through which the war-devastated countries can purchase school supplies in the United States, with their own money which they have on deposit here. Fulbright has not proposed that one dollar of American money be spent to educate Europe. Bill Fulbright's concern for improved educational facilities for Arkansas is well known. He utilized the schools placed at disposal of Arkansas's youth by the taxpayers; he was president of the State University, his alma mater; he has two children who will attend Arkansas schools. His opponent's interest in education is purely political. T> » '•" Which of the candidates can and will do most for Arkansas? Which' of them has the training and ability 'lo reflect greatest credit on our State? Mow, Let's €@i On With the REAL Issue- [Which of them will be able lo do most to help establish and maintain a peace that will save succeeding generations from human slaughter? Which of the candidates is interested primarily in service and which soiely in political power? We all know that (here's but one loaical choice- Bill Fulbright. All of Adkins' "charges" como from the political junk heap. TKey were issues in the campaign which ended —disastrously far Adkins—July 25. 135,552 voted against Adkins and his "issues"; only -I9.S15 for him. PULASKI COUNTY FRIENDS OF BILL for HE ON GUARD I The bogus "issues" on which the opponent of Bill Kulbvight, hns pitched his campaign of halo constitute- a warning for tho puhlic to bo on guard _ «g«in»t«Uv»bth-hpur 1 undercover attacks, Thei-o are rumors of fakad letters, affidavit*, etc,, going tha rounds., Don't b« misled by such drivel. —PoliUcil

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