The Corpus Christi Caller-Times from Corpus Christi, Texas on August 18, 1971 · Page 17
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The Corpus Christi Caller-Times from Corpus Christi, Texas · Page 17

Corpus Christi, Texas
Issue Date:
Wednesday, August 18, 1971
Page 17
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gh e * WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 18, 1971 PAGE 2B Editorials and Comments Mews Interpretations e Opinions gnored Need The National Advisory Council on Vocational Education has issued its fifth annual report. It takes the government to task over its failure to implement many of the recommendations from the four previous ones. The council outlines the scope of the problem, calling attention to the Ty 2 million students who go job-hunting after graduation; to 750,000 high school and college dropouts who have few, if any, marketable skills; to the unemployed and the under-employed who are trapped in low-skill jobs; to more than 2 million veterans returning to civilian life; to older workers involuntarily retired who.want to be trained in a new, marketable skill, and to 300,000 mental hospital patients discharged each year who need training or retraining. Despite these needs, vocational and technical education is at the bottom of budget priorities and at the bottom of legislative goals of those advising the decision-makers at the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. The council recommends that an office for vocational and technical education be set up within HEW and have the charge of obtaining a high national priority for this type of education. In view of the laggard response to needs in this field, the council's impatient tone, after five years, is understandable. CARTOONISTS VIEW THE WORLD LicHty Berry 'Better strike that expression! . . . Now that the = 'Sorry, man, I'm not a farmer--overalls are the ,18-year-olds have' the vote a candidate has to be = latest thing in men's fashion!' careful about mentioning young punks!' = Jack Anderson The Gallup Poll tells us that 46 per cent of Americans asked whether they consider war "an outmoded way of settling differences between nations" said yes. Among those with a college background, the percentage was even higher: More than half, 52 per cent, agreed with this statement. It does not quite follow that the American people are on the verge of renouncing war as an instrument of policy. Forty-three per cent of those polled, almost as many as had said they thought war outmoded, also opined that war was sometimes necessary. This is not wholly illogical. Still, as long as we figure-wars are necessary on occasion, occasions are likely to arise and wars will continue. WASHINGTON - Intriguing details are now seeping out of Peking about the struggle between the two titans of communism, Russia and .China, which glare hotly at one another across the somber Siberian steppes. Some Chinese officials, in the flowery language of the Orient, speak of the struggle as "The Dance of the Bear and the Dragon." In wary conversations with Westerners, the Red Chinese are now telling their side of the story. The C h i n e s e Communist party started out as a branch of the Comintern, controlled body and soul by Moscow. The Kremlin sought to organize a Soviet-style workers' revolution in China, with the new factory workers of the cities as the base. But Mao Tse-tung, rejecting Soviet dogma as less valuable than excrement which at least could be used to fertilize the fields, gained control of the party and organized a peasants' revolution rooted in the soil. His chief rival, Li Li-san, William Buckley Those who believe that Mr. John Lindsay's views have changed, and that that is tiie reason why he has now joined the Democratic party, are mistaken. I undertook, six years ago, to run for mayor of New York City in order to protest John Lindsay's doing so in the name of the Republican party. I said at the time that "Lindsay is a Republican largely as a matter of baptismal affirmation." After studying his voting record in Congress, I noted that the record "formally documents that during his stay in Congress he moved towards that position of extravagant compliance with the liberal orthodoxy which, finally made him a hero to the Liberal party, to the New York Post, and to the Nation magazine." Nevertheless, the imposture lasted for a considerable length of time -- and would have lasted forever, if a few wealthy New Yorkers had prevailed on Mr, Lindsay. It was pathetic. Eleven of them, including John Hay Whitney and David Rockefeller, begged Lindsay, in a letter published exactly 24 hours before Mr. Lindsay's repatriation, to stay in the Republican party. What the wealthy Republicans said was that if Lindsay left the GOP, he would by so doing "contribute directly" to the creation of a "monolithic conservative party." » * · It is hard exactly to understand how this Is so at a period when the monolithic conservative party abandoned by John Lindsay is involved in deficit spending of over $20 billion, cooing about the world in search of detente with the Communists, and, at home, busily engaged in the expansion of the bureaucracy and the federalization of welfare. Mr. Lindsay should have very little quarrel with the profile of current Republicanism. But he nevertheless felt insecure, and unloved. And he was certainly unloved by the mainstream of Republicans he felt he represented. In 1969 the disengagement was CORPUS CHRISTI TIMES Published every week day anomoon except Saturday, at 820 ' ower Broadway, Corpus Chrlstl, Texas 78408 by The Caller- rimes Publishing Co., P.O. Box 9134. Saturday editions: The Corpus Chrlstl Caller-Times and Sunday Second class postage formal. It was then that he failed to win the Republican primary for reelection. Of course he should then and there have joined the Democratic party. No need to elaborate on the high cost of playing Hamlet. He could have opposed Nelson Rockefeller in 1970 for the governorship, or he could have run against James Buckley and Charles Goodell for the Senate. In any event, he'd have had the workout which would be useful to his integration within Democratic ranks. That is an organizational disadvantage which may prove critical. All of this, of course, is known to Mr. Lindsay's mastermind, Richard Aurelio. He knows the odds are heavily against, him, but the rewards are the greatest in the world. No doubt he has reasoned as follows: The assumption that Lindsay would be beaten in a primary contest with a Democratic pro is anti-historical. The analogy comes to mind of the spring of 1960. The principal actors in the Democratic political drama were Hubert Humphrey, the old pro even then, and John Kennedy. Granted, Kennedy's legislative record was undistinguished, and granted that John Kennedy did not have the burden of the disastrous administration by John Lindsay of the affairs of New York City. How would he fare, then, in a contest against Edmund Muskie -- say in Wisconsin? Those who believe that Sen. Muskie would slaughter Lindsay ought to ask themselves: Why did Jack Kennedy slaughter Humphrey in not dissimilar circumstances? Accept that he will overcome his record as mayor (Lindsay's Chappaquiddick), hasn't he got the other? The glamor, the looks, the charisma, the air of benign purpose, the aristocratic concern for the downtrodden? * * * And accept two other data. One of them that an affluent society tends to desire more and more theater from its politicians -- the transition, as remarked by Norman Mailer, from the avuncular Eisenhower to the Oscar award-winning Jack Kennedy. And then begin counting the extra votes among the late teen- fled to Moscow. Li returned at the end of World War H with the S o v i e t troops that marched into Manchuria and again sought to bring the Chinese Communists under Soviet influence. Not only did Mao prevail, but he made friendly overtures to the U.S. Washington rebuffed his offer of friendship, furnished military aid instead to Chiang Kai-shek and forced the Chinese Communists back into an alliance with Russia. With the bitter comment that Americans '· think "the moon in America is rounder than the moon in China," Mao became an implacable foe of .the U.S. But more pragmatic Clu'nese officials, including Premier Chou En-Iai, reportedly favored maintaining contacts with the U.S. in order to avoid domination by the Soviet colossus across the border. Some of them now claim that the Kremlin pushed China into the Korean War and tried to goad China into the Vietnam war to inflame American opinion against the Chinese. These officials attribute a quarter century of Chinese- American enmity largely to Soviet Machiavellianism. In any event, Mao was never a willing puppet, and strains soon developed in the Chinese-Russian alliance. Today the Russians haye deployed 45 crack divisions along their eastern frontier, and hundreds of missiles have been installed within striking distance of China. We were the first to report, quoting a top-secret U.S. intelligence report, in June, 1969, that "Moscow may stage hit- and-run strikes at China's nuclear laboratories and armament centers in order to eliminate China as " a nuclear threat." The Red army marshals still believe, according to the latest intelligence reports, that Peking understands only strength and considers concessions to be signs of weakness. A nuclear cloud, therefore, still hangs ominously over China, causing the feverish construction of underground tunnels and fortifications. The prospect of a Chinese- American rapproachment, meanwhile, has given the world's balance of power a tilt -- a tilt that Moscow clearly regards as menacing. Intelligence reports indicate that the Kremlin was severely rocked by President Nixon's approach to Peking. HEADLINES, FOOTNOTES -- The American ambassador paid a secret call upon the Burmese foreign minister recently to enlist Burma's cooperation in cracking down on the opium traffic. The Bur- Mid ot'corpus cnrnti. Texos. a g e se t. it adds up to the possibility of very mese leader promised only to Edward H. Horte pu S^ successful rTjerformances in the primaries. And establish "liaison" but would DnHAj-t K« tnrlecnn tCITOr . ' * ,, _ . . ,, . * . ,. ,,. womack K "?.V/.V.V.V.V.V.V.\V.V.\V.V.V.GenVr'^"Mo'no'gfr remember,'all he has to do is to win the first « h o S Th'oma s s ". '.'.V.V.V.V.V.Adv^tis'ing' oirecloT one in order t° set tne Juggernaut moving. I Lc'lan'tJ Barnes'.'.'.".''.'.'.'.'"·"··-·····"···'·· Classified Manager C311 SC6 Arthur SChlCSUlger'S letter tO GCOrgO limes'" wesson :V.Y.V.'.^".Y^pSSSd ftK McGovern, explaining the higher imperatives of Samuel R. Swiff Production Monaaor duty tO jump Ship. All he WOUld haVC to dfl IS cho r 'r"cs P F WC Hoch".V.V.7.'.'.".V.V.V.V.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.V.'.'.'.cSotiie oirertor take the one he wrote Adlai Stevenson in 1960, t"«mta7 of The"^socT a lJ(r 1 PT?ss.~The~~Associat«d press is and change the names and dates. enmied exclusively to the use tor publication ol oil local ncw» go that While there IS C3US6 tO TCJOJCC that is now a Democrat -- a major n.wdi»«. _ w . Mf printed In this nawspoper os _well_g4_oll WAIL RATES: MornVn^vTnTng'and'sifnday, 12 months ssi; contribution to the restoration cf meaning to s months J25.50; 3 months *'"?' ' m ° nllh 1 p 4 -'¥' Cal i'h r 2^' tlie two-party system -- there js no reason to t" l month n w. s c n o d ile v r or TTmas'oniy' (rxTsunoa/) \i months'^?; believe that his career has ended. Aurelio may i months S13.50; 1 months $4.75; 1 month J2.25. Sunday only, Kr Hrpaminf? hilt hi! drpam TOIllrl ho Amprif'n''; 12 monfht $18; 6 months *9 3 months 44.50. °? «' cdn ""t» DUl nib Ultdm COU1Q OC Amenta S CARRIE-R RATES: Morning, evening and Sunday, 85 ctnli a nightmare, week. Caller or Times and Sunday, 60 cenls o week. © Washington Star Syndicate, Inc. make no meaningful commitment. A confidential State Department report attributes his attitude to Burma's "reluctance to cooperate with any major power and addiction to secrecy." Without naming any names, the report also confirms our slories that many Southeast Asian officials have been corrupted by the drug traffickers and nrotect their smuggling operations . . . When we spoke to editor Norman Cousins about the Saturday Review's cozy relationship with the Kennedy- Center for the Performing Arts, he promised to investigate. He has now called back to defend the magazine's music critic, Irving Kolodin, who wrote a favorable cover story about the Kennedy Center at the same time the Saturday Review had contracted to publish the center's magazine-programs with Kolodin. as editor. Cousins said a similar contract with New York City's Lincoln Center had not affected Kolodin's trenchant commentary on the center and its performances. Cousins said, however, that if he had been aware of the controversy over the Kennedy Center's design, he would have made sure Wolf von Eckardt's comments appeared in the magazine. Von Eckardt, the architecture crit- tc for the Washington Post, submitted a column as part of a regular series he had been writing for the Review. It was killed allegedly because he strayed off the subject of architecture. We also spoke to Kolodin and Roger Stevens, the center's dedicated chairman. Both insisted' nothing unethical had occurred. Kolodin said his cover story on the center, written at the same time he was its programs editor, was "not only proper but an appropriate use of editorial judgment." © Bcll-McClure Syndicate Today in History| B/ Th* Associated Press Today is Wednesday, Aug. 18, the 230th day of 1971. There are 135 days left in the year. Today's highlight in history: On this date in 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill conferred at the Citadel in Quebec. On this date- In 1587, Virginia Dare was born at Roanoke Island, N.C. She was the first child of English parentage born in North America. In 1743, the peace of Abo was signed, with Sweden ceding part of Finland to Russia. In 1856, the U.S. Patent Office granted the first patent on condensed milk. In 1914, President Woodrow W i l s o n declared American neutrality in World War I. In 1940, the United States and Canada established a joint defense plan against possible enemy attack. In 1963, James Meredith be- came the first Negro to be graduated from the University of Mississippi. Ten years ago: Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson flew to Germany to give the people of West Berlin President Kennedy's assurance that the United States would not forget its obligations. Five years ago: An American spacecraft sent baqk to the earth the first pictures of the surface of the moon. One year ago: The United States urged Israel to proceed \yith Middle East peace negotiations without further delay. Today's birthdays: Former Secretary of the Interior Walter Hickel is 52. Actress Shelly Winters is 48. Thought for today: America is the only country in the world where you can go on the air and kid politicians, and where politicians go on the air and kid the people. -- Groucho Marx. Mary McGrory £. --^ v-^v.^-saaasraasiiwBa^a Just Like A WASHINGTON -- From now until Feb. 3, the final filing date, for the New Hampshire primary, Democratic presidential candidates 'can look forward to being asked at every stop to read the mind of the newest member of their party, Mayor John V. Lindsay of New York City. Front-runner Sen. Edmund S. Muskie of Maine knows what it's like. Last October, when he went to New York to do his bit for Arthur Goldberg, most recent of a long line of doomed Democrats, he was asked six questions about the intentions of Lindsay -who had just endorsed Goldberg -- and only two about his own. Lindsay's announcement of his conversion, which has been anticipated for 10 months, created a stir that astonished politicians,.who had looked for hcnhums. The mayor's confession that he and Mrs. Lindsay had signed on as Democrats received the extensive and exhaustive coverage of a moonshot. The brand-new Democrat bumped all the old ones. The night before, Muskie had made a high-level speech in Dallas about inflation. He might as well have stayed in Kennebunkport for all the mind that was paid him. The night after, Eugene McCarthy, on his first reconnaissance mission among the blacks, addressed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. His thoughts were swallowed up by a statement from the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, president of the SCLC, opining that Lindsay would make a good president. Sen. George S. McGovern of South Dakota fared worst. He journeyed to New York to unveil the first real live big-city politician in his comer, and ended up an also-ran in the Lindsay story. His prize catch, Matthew Troy, Queens borough leader, made matters worse by calling Lindsay "probably the best vote- getter outside of New York City in the Democratic party." Lindsay will be bedeviled with questions, too, but he has a new role that will offer him some protection. Hardly had he enlisted under the banner of the New York state Democratic party when he was handed it. The state chairman, John Burns, acting with uncharacteristic and -- some Democrats were quick to say -- indecent haste, hailed the mayor as the leader of the party. He could not afford to be ceremonious. The party is $500,000 in the hole in the state, and he is operating'out of a basement headquarters. Lindsay is his only hope of survival. · Burns is an old and dear friend of John F, English, Muskie's chief political agent, but he could" not afford to be sentimental. Lindsay can put bread on the table. The mayor knew that in being handed the party, he was getting a bundle of debts, quarrels and grubby little losers. But he was so pleased by the thought behind the gift that he promised to do everything but lick envelopes at the clubhouse. Scenarios for his subsequent activity abound, but one is written in a book by Jerry Bruno, the veteran Kennedy advance man, and Jeff Greenfield, a Robert Kennedy staffer who later served Lindsay. In "The Advance Man," Bruno and Greenfield offer a blueprint, for a 1973 oath-taking that is predicated on Lindsay's ability to turn out and turn on crowds. The,mayor slips into New Hampshire as the underdog, quietly talking to civic groups and university audiences. He does well enough to press on to Wisconsin, where huge crowds are generated at the airport, the plant-gate, and an evening reception. He braves Indiana, disarms the blue-collars and policemen who suspect and, in some cases, despise him for his sympathy for the blacks and the poor and the restive young. He winds up triumphant in California where star quality is most appreciated. The thesis is that the Democratic party and the country will turn to a blond god who says the right things, even if he hasn't always done them, and who understands the problems of his time even if he hasn't demonstrated conclusively he can cope with them in New York City. Other dreamers think Lindsay would do better to avoid the primaries and come to a snarled convention ready for a new face. The snag is that if they suddenly insist on glamor, they might go to a Democrat of longer pedigree, Edward M. Kennedy. Lindsay has almost six months before he needs to show his hand. He has many enemies in and out of New York City, but he has just shown that he can create more excitement than any other Democrat in the field. He has to decide whether he could keep it going from now until a year from November. © Washington Star Syndicate, Irtc, Brace Biossat Hook WASHINGTON (NEA) - We might wish for a less arrogant Ralph Nader than we have, but we can hardly argue that we don't need his dogged consumer advocacy. Yet there is a spinoff from Naderism which doesn't do present American society any good at all. You can hardly blame him, since he can't watchdog everything. Some people think he spreads himself too thin as it is. The problem is that Naderism, in its ^concentration on the shortcomings of business and government, seems to let all the rest of us off the hook. There is no indication Nader intends any such effect. All the same, that is a consequence of his well-publicized hammerings at the organized elements of'society. * * * Anybody, who tries to argue that we should not build safe cars had better not stick his head above the trenches. Nevertheless, a couple of pretty obvious things get blotted out in the glare Nader put on car manufacturers' failings. The makers have specific responsibility for the design of our automobiles, and for the materials used in manufacture/They also have a heavy responsibility as overseers of the actual building process. But the presidents of General Motors, Ford and Chrysler do not themselves put cars together. Their thousands of em- ployes do that. When the companies find it necessary, as they have again and again, to recall hundreds of thousands of cars to replace defective mechanisms, more than design or choice of materials is often involved. The second point is that Nader's necessary focus on the car appears to absolve the American motorist of any fault. Read strictly, his effort looks like an undertaking aimed at protecting the driver against himself. Nader wants Detroit to build a car that people can crash in and live. We have to remember, however, that more than one-half of automobile fatalities involve drunken driving. And nearly one-third of a year's total are people aged 16 to 24, though motorists in this bracket represent just 20 per cent of the driving population. Even a fairly brief eyeball check on driving habits, either on city streets or open road, ought to scare anybody who wants to live awhile. Driving behavior is generally very bad. The wonder is that . only 55,000 Americans die annually on the highways. * · * Nader gets Into matters like pollution and health care, but he Is not an urbanol- ogist chasing after everybody who's supposed to be involved in "rebuilding our cities." : Here again, just the same, there, is. clear warrant for his and others' criticisms on the urban front. Still, there is something missing from an analysis that lays all blame on government, as many do, and holds the citizen to no burden for the condition and quality of life in the neighborhood. This spring I looked with fresh eye on two Chicago neighborhoods where I used to live. One always was somewhat "better off" than the other, and perhaps 10 years younger. But these differences are not enough to account for the horrible disintegration of the older place, and the attractive stability of the other. There are discrepancies of Interest -- and will. 'These most likely have roots in social problems, such as educational lack. The point is, government money alone won't' make the older place livable. "Quality of life" is the big singsong these days. But we're not going to find it just by holding business and government to account. We need the und«plnnlng of a higher quality of human behavior -from all of us. Newspaper Enftrprln A»ioctert1on

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