Clarion-Ledger from Jackson, Mississippi • Page 99

Wl Ill QJl perspectiv (Pie Sunday, August 18, 1S65 3H Gubernatorial succession issue shouldn't remain in no man's land The potato is in the oven and it should be good and hot by the time the Legislature convenes in January. 1 You can almost picture lawmakers tossing fv JimO Cliff Treiens 4 Staff Writer The Clarion-Ledger -no mrrmm mm WAYNE DOWDY Gov. Brad Dye, who presides over the Senate, recently endorsed gubernatorial succession. There is a formidable obstacle on the House side, however, in Constitution Committee Chairman Charlie Capps of Cleveland, who once vowed never to bring succession up in his committee. He has softened that position somewhat, but Capps still predicts no action next session.

Despite Dye's backing of succession, Senate Constitution Committee Chairman Howard Dyer of Greenville, another gubernatorial succession supporter, says it would be futile for the Senate to spend time on succession when it isn't going anywhere in the House. As so often is the case, an important issue could well be caught up in political wrangling without ever receiving a hearing on its merits. In fairness to the Senate, it has been the more responsive chamber in recent history on gubernatorial succession and constitutional reform. The Senate passed a resolution calling for gubernatorial succession during the Finch administration (1976-1979). And last year it passed a resolution to create a House-Senate constitution study committee.

Both died in the House. What many find disturbing about the position of some legislative leaders is the underlying distrust of the public to decide responsibly whether it wants to vote for a gubernatorial succession amendment put on the ballot by the Legislature, or general constitutional reform put together by a constitutional convention made up of delegates elected by the public. Advocates of constitutional change ask, "What is wrong with letting the people decide?" It is a simplistic argument, but one with some merit to it In the case of succession, too many responsible people in important positions have sought it for too many years to justify the banishment of succession to a legislative no man's land. A Dowdy-Lott Senate battle would be a great main event "it" ffuKArnatif'i'il ciiwoecinn hnplr and forth. But it's entirely possible if not likely that the issue will never receive a full hearing in 1986 despite much support.

Gubernatorial succession is the right of a governor to run for consecutive terms. Only Mississippi, Kentucky, New Mexico and Virginia prohibit it. The theory behind succession is that a governor needs more than four years (or at least the possibility of another term) to get policies passed and implemented. Otherwise, the governor is a lame duck from the day he or she is inaugurated. Moreover, the prohibition of succession denies the electorate an opportunity to give a popular and effective chief executive a mandate to carry on.

Opponents of succession, most of whom appear to be in the Legislature, counter that a one-term governor is forced to make the most of his short time in of ice. These foes generally deny that their opposition is an attempt to keep the balance of power tilted toward the Legislature. But one influential House official asserted recently that the ramers of the federal and state constitutions intended that the legislative branch of government be the dominant one. As if the issue of gubernatorial succession was not already hot enough, the political posturing leading up to the 1986 session has the makings of a first-rate potboiler. For perhaps the first time since the 1890 constitution was adopted, virtually all of Mississippi's statewide elected officials, beginning with Gov.

Bill Allain, advocate not only gubernatori- Muscadine industry could become a sweet success in the Southeast or, as Broadhead expresses it, "a two-year payout" He envisions a multibillion-dollar industry in the Southeast, ranging from commercial growers with hundreds of acres to small farmers with a half-acre or so to supplement other farm income. But, he said, "we found in the Southeast the muscadine business can bea substitute crop for all farmers. "The business would prove to be a salvation for the deeply indebted farmers who have gone deeper in debt over the years attempting to continue in their old ways of growing soybeans and cotton and getting deeper in debt each year," he said. This is important to Broadhead, who recently sold out a multimillion-dollar interest in one of While some of his colleagues were vacationing during Congress' traditional Labor Day break, Mississippi's 4th District Rep. Wayne Dowdy was out with the people last week, holding town meetings around the district and listening to constituents' gripes.

This was Dowdy at his best: folksy and caring, like a priest tending his parish flock, intently interested in their problems and com- plaints about the federal government, or the way he voted on-such and such. Primarily, the tall, plain-spoken Dowdy, whose countenance and manner is remindful of a young Abraham Lincoln, was giving reassurance that the awesome power on the Potomac still draws its sustenance from the people. He heard black and white Mississippians, young and old, express their concerns about the astronomical federal budget deficits, the MX missile, the farmers' plight, how Reagan budget cuts have made life tougher for the blind, aging veterans, and a whole host of other subjects. Dowdy had gone to Congress after scoring a stunning upset over President Reagan's choice in a 1981 special election, and then quickly built something of a reputation by opposing key parts of the Reagan program. The 42-year-old former McComb mayor and plaintiff lawyer proved to be an exceptional campaigner, but the key votes were from organized labor and black support which flocked to him when he defied conventional political wisdom and backed extending the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

Some still contend that Dowdy's decision to back the Voting Rights Act was just a shot in the dark and was not born of any deep conviction. Nevertheless, it was a landmark position-taking in Mississippi politics and eventually turned around all but one member of the state's congressional delegation which as a group had voted against the act in the past After his easy re-election in 1982, Dowdy seemed to have his strength consolidated, despite a voting record considerably more liberal than the average voter in his district, and he quickly became the rising new star in the Mississippi Democratic firmament He made it clear his ultimate goal would be the U.S. Senate, whenever Sen. John Stennis bows out. But last year, after redistricting took away some key black areas, and against the tide of Reagan's Mississippi sweep, Dowdy had an unexpected close call from Republican unknown David Armstrong, who was cut off from the usual GOP coffers.

Since then, Dowdy's voting appears to have moved to the right in order to insulate his 4th District seat from another conservative GOP attack. Dowdy, however, does not agree that he has moved to the right. His contention is that most of the major votes of the past year have been on defense and foreign policy where he has always been more conservative rather than on economic and social issues. However, the liberal Americans for Democratic Action dropped his rating from 70 in 1983 to 25 in 1984, while his American Conservative Union rating rose from 32 in 1983 to 67 this past year. But Dowdy still has a relatively good voting record with labor, getting an 81 rating from COPE, the political arm of the AFL-CIO.

Evidently, he also is still in high favor with blacks. The theory behind succession is that a governor needs more than four years (or at least the possibility of another term) to get policies passed and implemented. Otherwise, the governor is a lame duck from the day he or she is inaugurated. al succession, but general constitutional reform. State Treasurer BUI Cole, one of the first in this administration to push the issue, has termed the coalescing support "unique in our history." Some opponents or skeptics of succession have implied that Cole, state Auditor Ray Ma-bus, Attorney General Ed Pittman and Secretary of State Dick Molpus back the measure because they aspire to be governor.

All are considered likely candidates for the chief executive's office someday. But to sell short the opinions of these officials, all of whom were put into office by the statewide electorate, would be presumptuous and unfair. The plot thickens when you consider that Lt. S. Gale Den lei Publisher Calhoun County Journal erosion found with other crops is not needed.

Second, he says, the growth of timber in this country is healthier than it has ever been, except for prices, which have been undercut some 50 percent by Canadian competition. And it is in support of this second argument that he makes his strongest point. The estimated cost of establishing an acre vineyard is $4,000. But, this one-acre vineyard will have the potential to produce some $3,000 per year in sales PAUL BROADHEAD "The business would prove to be a salvation for the deeply indebted farmers who have gone deeper in debt over the years attempting to continue in their old ways of growing soybeans and cotton Meridian businessman Paul Broadhead. The secretary of state said that Mississippians must view education reform "as if we were conjugating a verb" past tense, present tense and future tense.

In his speech, Molpus pointed to three prior successes in education reform that he said need protection: The 16th Section Land Reform Act of 1978. The Education Reform Act of 1982. The Chickasaw Cession funding increases. Molpus blasted the Legislature for failing to establish the education trust fund as provided in the 1982 reforms, pointing to expected deficits of $2.6 million in the 1987 fiscal year. "If the trust fund had been established, by 1986 we would have a surplus of $87.7 million after all parts of the Education Reform Act were paid for," said Molpus.

Present education issues that Molpus said must be addressed include: Majority rule on school bond issues, as opposed to the current 60 percent vote now required for a school bond issue bypass. rl TRENT LOTT Bill Minor Mississippi Political Columnist At home, the Mississippi Democrat has encountered steady flak from peace groups over his vote to send financial aid to the con-tras in Nicaragua, which was requested by President Reagan. His shift from a former opponent of the MX missile to a supporter of funding for the controversial weapon has also been criticized by some of his longtime backers. Dowdy's justification for the switch on the MX is that it is a bargaining chip to keep the Reagan administration at the bargaining table with the Soviets on arms limitation. Some believed Dowdy had virtually abandoned his Senate ambitions in order to fortify his district base after his re-election scare last year, but that is obviously not the case.

The hard-charging Democrat has done his homework well with the folks in his district and while the Republicans will continue to give him opposition, they apparently had their best shot in 1984. Looking down the political road, it seems inevitable that a classic political clash will come between Dowdy and conservative Republican U.S. Rep. Trent Lott for the seat now held by Stennis. The only question is whether it will happen in 1988, when Stennis' term expires, or sooner, should the octogenarian senator no longer be able to serve.

Dowdy is definitely running for the Senate in 1988, but he would not run in a special election for the Stennis seat if it came next year while his House seat is up for re-election. Nor would Lott now the GOP whip in the House, run in a special election next year if it conflicted with his House re-election. Lott's situation is this: He is projected as the next minority leader in the House, or in the unlikely event the GOP gains control of the House in 1986, he could wind up as speaker. So he must make up his mind at some point if he wants to keep his star hitched to the House, or try for the more coveted Senate. Meanwhile, however, there's no doubt Lott forces are making some preparations for a Senate bid.

But they are keeping a very low profile to avoid the fiasco of last December when Lott passed word to the state GOP executive committee that he would run for the Stennis seat, while the aged senator was recuperating from his leg amputation. One report through congressional sources is that Lott already has TV commercials "in the can" if a special election should come before the end of the year. Not only would a Dowdy-Lott race be a great ideological battle between a leading spokesman for the hard right of the Republican Party and a moderate Democrat with strong labor and black support, but it very likely would be a main event nationally between the two parties over control of the Senate. Anyone in Mississippi worried about a lack of excitement in coming political events need not despair if the Dowdy-Lott race ever comes off. Sid Salter Editor Scott County Times fundamental social change in Mississippi.

The Philadelphia native repeated those themes during a self-styled "midterm report to the home folks" during the Neshoba County Fair. Calling the 1890 constitution a "blueprint for failure," Molpus pointed to what he identifies as the central weakness of our current constitutional system: a weak and decentralized executive branch of government "No governor is charismatic enough to overcome the legal shackles that bind that office," said Molpus. "The governor has no way jo initi the nation's top 10 mall development companies and began to devote all his time to his banking and other Mississippi interests. Not only is he interested in the financial salvation it might provide, but Broadhead, since giving up a planned career in medicine to assume responsibility for the family's real estate and other related businesses some 25 years ago, has! always been busy developing I And indications are he is taking more and more interest in Mississippi. The last venture of his mall company was the-construction of a facility in Oxford, which "he tagged "a sentimental journey," because he said; he wanted to give something back to Oxford for-all he had received as a student at the university .1 After moving his Dallas headquarters back to; Meridian, he began to renovate and enlarge what was his first mall venture.

And now there is the muscadine business. State Rep. Steve Wells of Brookhaven recent-! ly said he is planning to introduce bills that would encourage more state development of ag ricultural resources. And he is considering the; possibility of proposing financial support by encouraging investment of a limited percentage ofT state funds such as state retirement reserves'. in such ventures.

However, at best this would be only a small portion of the support needed for the muscadine venture. The only answer seems to be the now unavailable federal assistance. But if past success means anything and where Broadhead in concerned, I am inclined to; think it does it's just a matter of time before mncaHinoc inin raffish in hplninff lpari Missis-. Paul Broadhead of Meridian was familiar with the politics of real estate development and banking. He is now being introduced to the politics of farming.

Not unexpectedly, from all indications, he is a quick study and appears to be not easily discouraged. After consulting with the Mississippi State Extension Service, the Department of Agriculture and other available resource people, and conducting a number of market tests, Broad-head pledged $10 million for a statewide muscadine juice industry. What he initially plans to do is bypass the wine market and go with muscadine juice made from an improved strain of the native variety to compete with other fruit juices now available. If his product is anything like that at the eno-logy lab at Mississippi State, it is sure to be a winner. At the first of two or three "tastings" at the wine facility, I quickly learned to ask for muscadine juice, rather than the wine.

A couple of years ago, after being rendered abstinent by medical decree, I quickly discovered the primary side benefits of not having to endure wine and beer. Now, as far back as I can remember, this didn't include anything bottled in Tennessee or Scotland, but that's another story- Anyway, the white muscadine juice was an immediate hit. It surpassed Classic Coke and would be a strong second to Tab before that fine saccharin-flavored beverage was profaned by NutraSweet. And compared with the present marketplace offerings of processed grape juice most of which taste like they are made from crushed skins with too much water added muscadine made a big hit in all the market tests. Broadhead also received a lot of official encouragement and promises of support.

And the project is about ready to get off the ground, except for one thing assistance for farmers who need financial support to establish vineyards. Now, Broadhead is getting more than a little upset with the state's-congressional delegation, because the legislation now being considered contains no help for farmers except for $40 per acre to grow pine trees for soil conservation. The exclusive support for pine seedlings is especially upsetting to Broadhead for two reasons: First, he says, the root systems of muscadine vines stop erosion, with the added benefit that annual cultivation which causes most of the ate and carry out long-range goals he is a lame duck from his inauguration day." In broad terms, Molpus advocated gubernatorial succession and a shift in constitutional authorities that would put some teeth in the governor's ability to direct executive branch policies. "The governor (in Mississippi) is like a president of a company who can't hire his vice presidents his implementers of policy," said Molpus. "The system frustrates the will of the voters." But Molpus stopped short of embracing constitutional change as a cure-all for state government's ills.

"No one change is going to bring Mississippi to parity with our sister states. We have one basic problem in Mississippi public education," he said. "I am absolutely convinced that the root of our social problems lies in our historic lack of commitment to public education. Mississippi ranks 50th in educational attainment and we rank 50th in per capita income." olpus delivers bold manifesto for social change in sippi agriculture out of the antebellum cotton; culture and into the 21st century. Mississippi Uniform schools laws.

Currently, Mississippi law outlines four different types of school districts with varying authorities and responsibilities. The so-called "no pass, no play" rule for students who wish to participate in extracurricular activities. "Extracurricular activities are vital, necessary parts of the educational experience, but we do a child, or this state, no service when we graduate a functionally illiterate football player." Molpus' issue-heavy speech steps on the toes of the status quo in state government Powerful legislators have vowed to oppose many of these bold changes in state government In his final quote to the Taft Institute audience, Molpus addressed the uphill climb his proposals face in the Legislature: "In Mississippi, reform politics is no sport for the short-winded." Yet Molpus is one reform leader who appears to be playing the game for keeps. Traditional Mississippi political speeches are usually little more than fiery tirades in which politicians lament our state's resting place "on the bottom" and promise some vague plan for bringing "more and better jobs" to our people. Yet in the last two weeks, Secretary of State Dick Molpus has broken with traditional rhetoric to deliver a manifesto for reform politics in this state that may well be the single most important speech to fall on the ears of the Mississippi electorate since former Gov.

J.P. Coleman 'issued his legendary call for a new state constitution in 1957. Coleman's initiatives for a new constitution fell on deaf ears in the late 1950s. Yet almost 30 years later, reform politicians like Molpus have rekindled the fires of the constitution question to the extent that it is now the flagship issue in state politics today. Molpus Aug.

1 speech to the Taft Institute however, more than a simple call for a new constitution. It was a watephed document for.