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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona • Page 14

Publication:
Arizona Republici
Location:
Phoenix, Arizona
Issue Date:
Page:
14
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

i Ml tf A'ft tfot) ihl you uy tut if ill id ifa foalh your titfti id il Continue Friday, Aug. 30, Page 7 fa- The People Speak More Facts Are Presented On La Raza And MAPA The Arizona Republic: Although Adolf P. Echeveste (letter, "July 29) has "full confidence" in the Southwest Council of La Raza and deplores your "scare tactics" in pointing the past Communist affiliations of its chairman, Maclovio R. Barraza (editorial of July 1), neither he nor Mr. Barraza has attempted to refute those charges.

Mr. Echeveste would like you to apologize to the "highly-qualified and distinguished individuals" who comprise the La Raza council board, but I believe it would be more appropriate to print facts concerning this organization and its instigators for the enlightenment of your readers. The public is well-acquainted with the subterfuge of the "respectable, nonviolent" Black Power organizations and have watched them create havoc throughout most of our nation. In close alliance with Black Power revolutionaries and using the same tactics, the "Brown Power" advocates are now to bring this same chaos to the Southwest. "LA RAZA UNIDA" (The Race United) was started by a group of militant Mexican-Americans in El Paso, Texas, in October 1967.

Heading the movement was Bert N. Corona of the Mexican- American Political Association (MAPA). MAPA is affiliated with and was supported by notorious Reies Tijerina, now under indictment for armed attacks on a courthouse in New Mexico (who, incidentally, is "respectably" running for the office of governor on the "distinguished" People's Constitutional Party in New Mexico). Tijerina has been active in the "Poor People's Invasion" of Washington; he was a guest at the National Conference for New Politics held by Black Power leaders in September 1967, and he held his own convention in Albuquerque in October 1967, attended by representatives of these Black Power groups and also by Corona, of the MAPA. Mr.

Corona was a guest speaker at Tijerina's convention and told the audience: "We are going to take this land back. It belongs to us, not the gringos. California and Arizona are ours. The gringos were in Cuba. Now they aren't.

Now Cuba is, free. We must rise up together. We must organize the youth. We must form cadres and teach them how to prepare propaganda and collect money." A SECOND MEETING of La Raza was held in San Antonio, Texas, on Jan. 6, 1968.

The Communist publication, The Worker (Jan. 18, 1968) devoted an entire page to this important event, applauding and praising the conference and its leaders in an article entitled "Mexican- Americans Map Struggle for Civil conference mapped out a ntany-sided program of struggle to end the oppression of the Mexican-American people in the United States and reaffirmed the magnificence of La Raza. On Jan. 9 and 10, 1968, MAPA representatives held secret strategy meetings in Phoenix. Local Mexican- Americans were neither invited to participate in the sessions nor informed of the decisions reached.

The man who presided at the meetings was Maclovio R. Barraza. He would release no information on decisions or plans. These secret meetings in Phoenix were only one of a series of meetings held in each of the 111 From Grief Last Saturday, Aug. 17, about 6:30 p.m., a young friend of mine lost a four-month-old puppy from her car, which was parked outside the Sunnyslope branch of the Arizona Humane Society.

Since then, the society, shopkeepers and others in the neighborhood have searched in vain for the puppy, in an effort to help my friend, who has made herself ill from grief and worry. There is a chance that someone, thinking the puppy was being taken to the Humane Society, decided to give it a home and took it from her car. If this happened, my friend bears them no ill will and understands their action. She only asks that they understand how she feels and will write or phone her and put her mind at ease. Her name is Lorraine Aviles, 2503 W.

Coolidge. Phone 266-9832. The puppy, a Cocker mix, is black, except for a white patch under his chest and a few reddish hairs on each side of his neck, if you look close. His tail is short, ears large and his hair long. I am sure his present owners will enjoy him much more if they will take just a few minutes to ease my friend's KATHERINE M.

HENRY states with a substantial Mexican- American population. If La Raza was organized to benefit the poor, "downtrodden" Mexican, why was he omitted from all the discussions and planning meetings? Is it because he is to be "used" instead of MAPA REPRESENTATIVES went to Phoenix early in February to try to organize a chapter of MAPA, but the "Local Latinos (were) Cool to Pushy MAPA" (said The Arizona Republic of Feb. 5, 1968), and they failed utterly. Too many local citizens remembered that MAPA had come to Arizona three years earlier, established a sizeable membership, and then disintegrated when the MAPA funds and its leaders disappeared! On June 18, 1968, The Republic informed its readers that the Southwest Council of La Raza had been funded with a $630,000 grant from the Ford Foundation, and was to be headed by (the highly-qualified) Maclovio R. Barraza.

On July 1 your lead editorial, while welcoming La Raza, bemoaned the affiliations of its leader, Barraza, and wondered if he were the proper person to be chairman. Mr. Editor, in view of the origin, development, and backing of La Raza, Mr. Barraza is certainly well-qualified for this position! LARRY GREEN, Mesa True Patriot It might be well if some of our commercial giants who feathered their nests through government contracts during World War II and some who are said to be doing the same thing today were to read the following patriotic paragraphs, taken from Vol. 2, "Cyclopedia of Commercial Anecdotes," published in 1897: "During the siege of Boston, General Washington consulted Congress upon the propriety of bombarding the town of Boston.

Mr. Hancock, a distinguished merchant, was the president of Congress. After General Washington's letter was read, a solemn silence ensued. This was broken by a member making a motion that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole, in order that Mr. Hancock might give his opinion of the important subject, as he was deeply interested, from having all of his estate in Boston, which estate was very large and very valuable.

"After Mr. Hancock had left the chair, he addressed the chairman of the committee of the whole, in the following words: 'It is true, Sir, nearly all the property I have in this world is in houses and other real estate in the town of Boston; but if the expulsion of the British army from it, and the liberties of the country, require their being burnt to ashes I beg you, sir, to issue the order for that purpose immediately." JOHN B. LYNCH, Lubbock, Tex. Learned Tolerance I am spending my summer in Sao Paulo, Brazil, which is the largest city in Brazil. I was given a scholarship from Phoenix College to participate in the Experiment in International Living program.

I'm enjoying my stay and I'm living with a wonderful Brazilian family. The main source of transportation is Volkswagens. There are millions of them driving on the cobblestone highways. The meals consist of rice, beans, meat and various tropical fruits. Although I'm living in a different country and culture, I feel right at home.

Many Brazilians are aware of Arizona and the Grand Canyon. I have found that through my international relations and experiences that people are individuals, and it is hard to share oneself with others. My experience abroad has brought me love and friendships I will never forget, but along with these I will remember the difficulties in communication and the misunderstandings the people have of the U.S. and the Americans. This has been a most successful summer.

I really appreciate my country, and I feel I have learned to be more tolerant and understanding of other peoples. LEOTA THOMPSON, Sao Pauio, Brazil New Plans Thanks for the great article on "Church signs, parking lots," etc. Even though Cross Roads Church escaped criticism, we are now planning some additional landscaping. WILLIAM 0. SMITH, Minister, Cross Roads Methodist Church Humphrey Caught Between Ambitions And Conscience By JAMES RESTON New York hues service CHICAGO The Democratic Party's problem at home now is a little like the Johnson administration's problem in Vietnam.

It needs a political cease-fire. It needs to end the party bombing. It wants some honest peace talks with its political opponents in the North McCarthy, Kennedy and McGovern but it doesn't quite know how to arrange these things. Vice President Humphrey talks a lot about "party reconciliation," but he relies on the big guns. He played the power game in the Chicago convention.

He went with the old power centers of the Roosevelt coalition or what's left of them the union leaders, the Southern governor and the state chairmen in the North and he won though, like Nixon, he was able to get the support of either New York or California. It was, however, a very expensive tory. He came out of it as the symbol of the Democratic Old Guard.the candidate of the pros, running on a Vietnam platform controlled if not dictated by Lyndon Johnson in a convention dominated by Mayor Daley of Chicago and his police, by John Bailey of Connecticut and Carl Albert of Oklahoma both decent men but symbols of the past. IN AN AGE of popular television politics, this is not necessarily a triumphant Negroes Still Loyal To Democrats By CLAYTON FRITCHEY CHICAGO The Democrats have lost a lot of things in Chicago this week, but one thing they have not lost is the Negro vote. Since there is a price for everything, it seems likely the Democrats will lose some of the white vote this year.

If they do, however, they have made sure it will be offset by a virtually unanimous black vote. Following the advent of the New Deal in 1932, Negroes have gradually played a more important and conspicuous role at the Democratic national conventions, but there has never been anything like 1968. This year, the black representation and influence are not token not even big token but for real. THE CONTRAST with the Republican Convention at Miami Beach is striking. At the GOP meeting there were 26 Negro delegates.

At Chicago there were 175 Negro delegates and an additional 125 alternates and 100 of the 300 were from the South. Delegates alone, however, do not tell the whole story. The convention hall, the convention hotels, and convention parties were peopled by many well known Negro celebrities of the arts, of sports, of stage and screen, who obviously felt at home here. When John Bailey, the national chairman, made up his list of notable Americans to be honored at the convention, it markedly contained the names of Mrs. Martin Luther King and the Rev.

Ralph D. Abernathy, president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Of course the Democrats have a built- in advantage at convention time, for the party has elected many Negroes to high office around the country. One reason the Democrats carry the cities by such a big margin is that they have not hesitated to elect Negro mayors: Carl Stokes (Cleveland), Percy Sutton (Manhattan Borough President), Richard Hatcher (Gary, THE PRESENT position of Negroes in the Democratic Party is best revealed by the recognition accorded them not only in the various delegations but in the convention machinery itself, notably in the key committees which organized the meeting, fashioned the platform, and ruled on credentials. If anything further was needed to cement the black vote this year, it was accomplished when the lily-white delegations from states like Mississippi and Georgia were rejected because of racial discrimination.

One prominent Negro delegate Theodore A. Jones, director of the Illinois Revenue Department, predicted this would signal a new era of mass participation in the Democratic party by blacks. "They'll see that if black people can win in Mississippi," he said, "They can win any place." Claude Holman, a Chicago Negro alderman, said, "We rejoice in this decision because it shows fair play." Another Chicago Negro politician said, "The Democratic Party is not perfect, but at least we feel we're a part of something." In stressing voter "participation," Delegate Jones put his finger on the word that interests most of the Negro delegates from the South. They are genuinely excited over the extraordinary increase of Negro registration throughout their region. They also believe it is going to be an effective counter to the so-called "Southern strategy" of the Republicans.

In Mississippi, for example, Negro registration has soared from 6.7 to 59.8 per cent of voting-age blacks. Other examples include: Alabama (19.3 to 51.6), Georgia (27.4 to 52.6), Louisiana (31.6 to 58.9), South Carolina (37.3 to 51.2), Arkansas (40.4 to 62.7). IF THIS TREND continues (and it seems to be accelerating) the balance of power in most Southern states will increasingly lie with a coalition of blacks and Southern progressives. And if the Republicans and Gov. George Wallace's Independent Party split the conservative white vote, as seems probable, the progressives could well capture a number of Southern states in this year's presidential election.

Some years ago, Barry Goldwater said of the Republican Party: "We're not going to get the Negro vote as a bloc in 1964 or 1968, so we ought to go where the ducks are." One trouble with this in the South is that Governor Wallace thought of it first. Soliloquy By Hugo I LIKEP THE WAV THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION BROUGHT IN SHOW BUSINESS WERE ANP SENATORS THINGS! strategy. Humphrey was staggering along with Johnson on his back before the convention opened. Now he has added to his burden Mayor Dailey, who is quite a weight. It seems unlikely, bu the Democratic script Chicago, demonstrations, cops, Daley and "end war" chants on the floor must have been written by Dick Nixon.

et This is even worse from the Democratic point of view than Humphrey's friends and he has many of them expected. Wait till he gets the nomination, they said before Chicago. The he will be his own man. Then he will be free of Johnson and the past. Then he will be young again.

But will he really? This is the question and it raises a fascinating human specualtion among the men of his own age in Washington and Minneapolis, who have been close to him for 20 years and think they know him well. They have always thought of Humphrey as a man ahead of his time, as a progressive innovator, who had more energy and ideas that most men of the young generation. In fact, the men closest to him have been startled and appalled by the antiwar and anti- administration demonstrators who regard Humphrey as a defender of the status quo, an ally of Johnson and the South, and even as a warmonger on Vietnam. YET IT IS NOT at all clear at this point who is right the old Humphrey believers or the young Humphrey critics. Humphrey is still caught between political ambition and personal conscience.

For the time being, he is playing the old political power game, counting on the old politics and hoping that McCarthy, McGovern, and Teddy Kennedy will still believe in him enough to bring their followers into the campaign on his side against Nixon. It is quite a gamble. Under the rules of the old fashioned politics it would probably have worked. Nixon is so unpopular with McCarthy, McGovern and Kennedy that it might succeed even now. In the end, they could swallow Johnson, Daley, Lester Maddox of Georgia, rather than lose to Nixon, but it is not a sure thing.

Humphrey's old Middle Western friends McCarthy and McGovern are putting policy ahead of party or personality or even old friendship. None of them could have won the Democratic presidential nomination against Humphrey's power base, but any of them might have been Humphrey's vice presidential running mate, and McCarthy, McGovern and Kennedy all refused. Also, while McGovern will support Humphrey for the presidency, McCarthy is withholding his support, and Humphrey's appeals to them for a show of unity at the end of the convention failed. Protecting Ourselves While Traveling By ART BUCHWALD PARIS You would think after all the United States has done for Europe, the least the Europeans could do is make it easy for an American to buy a gun. But such is not the case.

In spite of their great claims to being civilized, the Europeans are still living in the Dark Ages when it comes to making firearms available to the public. I discovered this accidentally when I was overcharged by a waiter in a Left Bank cafe. He claimed it was an accident, but I knew he did it on purpose. I told my wife I was getting sick and tired of being pushed around, and the only thing to do was buy a gun and carry it with me at all times. Then if someone tried to overcharge me, I'd let him have it.

"Isn't that a bit strong?" my wife asked. "It's the American way," I said. "Can you think of a better reason for using a gun than when you get the business from a surly cafe waiter?" THE NEXT DAY I went to a gun store near the Paris Opera and told them I wanted a revolver. "What do you want it for?" the dealer asked. "I am an American citizen," I said, "and according to our Constitution I am allowed to bear arms, any place, any time, anywhere.

Now be a good man and give me a gun." JVo As Usual Kine Features Syndicate. 1968. Wf --annol sell a gun just like that, monsieur," the dealer said. "We have regulations in France concerning guns." "Regulations?" I said incredulously. "What on earth for?" "The French government does not want everyone in the country to have a gun.

There is too much chance of accidents." "That doesn't bother us in the United States," I said with a certain amount of pride. "Do you know last year we had over 5,000 people killed by firearms alone?" "Alas," said the dealer, sadly. "We only had 12. The rules here are too strict." "DON'T YOU have a National Rifle "We have something like it, but parliament tells them what they can or cannot do." "In my country," I boasted, "the National Rifle Assn. tells Congress what it can or cannot do." "Quelle chance," the dealer said.

"Please, sir, what can I do for you?" "I want a gun to shoot surly cafe waiters." Tres bien, fill out these papers. Then go to your local police station with all your identification and explain to them why you want a gun." "Good, and then I can have it?" "No, not yet. They will investigate you for three months. After that they will send their recommendation to the main police station, which will investigate why the local police station gave permission to let you have the gun. This will take three more months.

If they agree, you can come back and buy the gun." "Six months to buy one lousy gun?" "That's for the gun. Buying ammunition requires another investigation." "DO YOU KNOW if we had red tape like that in America that almost nobody would be able to own a revolver?" "That's why we don't sell too many ourselves," the dealer said. "Do you want to start filling out the papers?" "No, I don't, and if the French had any sense they'd permit Americans to buy hand guns just by showing their passport. How else can we protect ourselves from waiters while we're traveling abroad?".

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