Northwest Arkansas Times from Fayetteville, Arkansas on April 26, 1969 · Page 4
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Northwest Arkansas Times from Fayetteville, Arkansas · Page 4

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Saturday, April 26, 1969
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Arkinu* 9inn The First 100 Days For Nixon "It Doesn't Look As If It's Going To Let Up' Sit K. CM* Aw., FiyttltiiU*. AffcuiM PbtMMMHl FibUiked every after**** except Swdi? 14, ISM From The Peopto Small WQU , d ^ |f Second Class Postigo Paid at Fayetteville. Arkauai MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The Associated Pren is exclusively entitled to the UM (or republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local newt published herein. All riihti of republication of special dispatches herein are also reserved. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Per Week ............ (by carrier) ............ 45c Mail rates in Washington. Benton, Madison counties Ark. and Adair County, Okla. I months ...................................... $5.00 I months ....................................... J8.50 1 YEAR ........... -.TV....-.- ................... $16.00 C:ty Box Section .............................. J18.00 Mail In counties other than above: 3 months ....................................... $8.00 I months ..................................... $10.50 1 YEAR .............. . ....................... $20.00 4 · Saturday, April 26, 1969 Democracy Lesson The Americanization of President Nguyen Van Thieu of Vietnam progresses at about rhe same pace as peace over there . . . and with the Fame sort of frustrating results. In spite of billions upon billions of dollars in aid, and literally mountains of good advice from recent L'.S. administrations, Thieu continues to fashion his own version of democracy as if he'd learned it all from Governors Maddox, Wallace and the late Earl Long. In spreading the people's government around South Vietnam in the last week or so, consider these actions: --After conferring with Secretary of State Rogers on political bipartisanship regarding peace negotiations, Thieu took the Secretary's advice and released from prison an old political foe. He asked his old foe to embrace his new bipartisan philosophy, and when he received a firm no, he tossed his old opponent back in the clink. --When a daily paper in Saigon reported that a U.S. computer belonging to the United States Strategic Research Institute had predicted Thieu as most likely person to be king if the country turned to monarchy, he had the paper suspended for creating confusion. --He lashed out at "those damned intellectuals who call themselves publishers of English newspapers, doctors and engineers . . . guys who drink four whiskes a day, are loaded with diplomas and eat French food ...," calling them traitors to the people. He said he plans to jail all intellectuals who lack appropriate patriotism. From a functional point of view, perhaps, President Thieu's distrust of newspapers, education and political opposition is appropriately American, we suppose, but from a philosophic vantagepoint--which in this cast; should he all important--we don't think Thieu has rjuite got democracy straight, yet. And in that, there might be a lesson for many of us here at home. (Ed. Retearch Rpti.) (EDITOR'S NOTE: President Richard Nixon will have been in office 100 day« on Tuesday, April tt). As it is used in American politics, the phrase "one hundred days" has nothing to do with its grim origin. History'i Hundred Days was the period between March 20 and J u n e 28, 1815, the interval between Napoleon Bonaparte's e n t r y into Paris after his escape from Elba and his abdication. The most momentous event of the period was the crucial defeat at Waterloo on June 18. Our own political application of the phrase goes back to the first hundred days of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration, when the New Deal program was being enacted into law. As the nation was being roused to face a great economic emergency, Roosevelt called the 73rd Congress into special session on March 9, 1933. In the hundred days that followed. Congress armed t h e President w i t h extraordinary power? for combatting depression snd proomting recovery in a long series of measures -some of which hadn't even been read by the legislator?.. Arthur M. Schlesinger. .Jr.. observed: "Congress and the country were subjected to a presidential barrage of ideas and programs unlike anything know to American history." Momentum President Nixon's proposed tax reform plan received a frienrlly response from House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Wilbur Mills this week. Rep. Mills said he _woull have some ideas of his own to suggest in dun time, but that he could detect "a momentum" in the U.S. for tax reform, and he said he wanted "to act while the momentum exists." If the congressman from Kensett is refer- rinsr to the same "momentum" for relief among middle income folks that we are ac- 'I'jainted with, we don't think he need worry, .-.-. ,ch about it going away real soon. What Others Say PLAINLY UNFAIR ·'.= · t, .'.-.· 'm\d done what they could :*..-.7.*.'.-.:. a n d freely a c k n o w l e d g e -·:.(.-. r.'..' the fu.-j of the sport, ap- - ''.*·.. :t. n'A outwitting the legal rr.'.'-rj an alliance. · \ patrol." Mem* ,-adio tars 'Ai'h .\T,. the stre'-'.'. irr.. ..··'· tr, sirh \.:.··.:· Roosevelt's hundred days ?aw passage of at least 15 major measures. The special session adjourned in the early hours of June 1C, 1933. and on that day the President signed the most remarkable of all t h e measures to which Congress had given almost blind approval --the National Industrial Recovery Act. It later was to be struck down by the U. S. Supreme Court. Close cooperation was maintained between the legislative and executive branccs of government after Harry S. Truman succeeded Roosevelt in 1945. A succession of measures to carry out foreign policies of the ad ministration received 1 a r t r majorities in the Senate and House. The honeymoon lasted into the summer. It was cut s h o r t by Truman's reconver- sion message of Sept. 6 in which Truman announced his support of Roosevelt's "Economic Bill of Rights." Sweetness and light -- but not much else -- marked Dwight D. Eisenhower's hundred days in 1951 The only major logisla tion was that creating the new Department (if Health. Education and Welfare. John F. Kennedy's hundred day? in 1961 major measures requested by the administration victory was the Fair L a b o r Standards Amendments of 1961. Sohlesinger recalls: "A n e w breed had come to town, and the New Frontiersmen carried a thrust of action and purpose wherever they went." A heavy counter balance was the catastrophe of the "inva- ·;ion" in Cuhn. but this had yet tn m a k e its full impact on pubiic opinion. President Johnson at the rnrl of his fir.'t hundred days was able to point to the enactment of "10 of the 15 appropriations bills . . . that wore carried over from last year . . . the greatest education Congress in the history of our land . . . the now t a \ (reduction) bill . . . (ami) mon and women working togchtpr." Aside from broad outlines. President Nixon has pivon the mon and women of Congress l i t t l o to work on. But on forcinn ronsirloratinns one critic of the "olrl" N'ixon. former Secretary rf State Dean C. Achcsnn. savs: "I w o u l d )!i\T the President a hit for each t i m o be has. been at bat in the first hundred cl-nvs." William Ritt Says You're Telling Me! ; T h a n t . Uniterl \ations 1:00\ secretary, reportedly ri.'iily .e* a gift model of the US"s r/^'-'' 1 Peace Bell in hopes of '.y. r V greater t r a n q u i l i t y in ·.·.-.*'.ion»I a f f a i r s . A h a n g u p ·'. - hope it rings true! · ·*.'. '.r.''.rv tlir-ic w a s only ;f-:: ·'.hv-.o melody sounrlorl f··(·.- '', ,';~:iT\':m rars the - ''.'·'.' ""i'v. of our o w n Lib- But it shiiu f.c ;.."-'. '·· -.*· t longi in the Iirst p'.s'-. *··; · \'. dratt the fathers ir.to t:.- r.·,-;,-. ·, ·, Imagine the consternat.o:i *\ '.:.: - Charleston (W. V a j Daily Ma:! f a m o u s /,". makes ' '· in e n 1 ",;:' a 'op So JUSTICE Courts are experimenting in restricting ni:-.n t.ov- ernne of case* before they come to o u r i . It n claimed that this will assure the defendant a lair trial. Ont Texas judle recently wont so far as lo prohibit the takinc of picturei of (he defendant not only in the courtroom but alw during his trips to and from the county jail. A crime-conicloui public hopes that the courts will be Ju»t *» tough on criminals as they arc on photographers, who are accused of nothing. -- Dal- hi (Tex.) Morninf News b.1'1 . .\\ l.f-.'l'l. Morf W'Orr.fr, i'..irj TMTI l i v e t i hpcome rr.r,u-nari.*ir.* * « i j r v r - y shnwv llowpvfr. v.f f)oi;hl -,'/u ran get many nl m to ndrrnt It. Tht average m a n , m'iinl'i.g to nn rh*Prvor of l!if M;M. we.ir sceiiP. huvs n Iliinl i,! ;i suit n yrar. /* c l a n r c at om ',r rent flnam-ps Inrtip.iiM Hint 11.;^ must be the Year of the Vrt. To the Editor: In regard to the citys ambulance problems, why dont they add a small "ambulance fee" to a 11 sewer and water bills'! It wouldn't amount to much for anyone, and service would bn insured on a profitable basis. Most people have Insurance, too. and if thia was also paid to the city there would be more than enough money to operate the ambulances. Henry A. Tonar The Faculty Gets In On 'Protest' Demonstrations WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND Neo-Nazis Want To Throttle The Press By DREW PEARSON (C),"l969. hy Bell-McClure Syndicate! DREW PEARSON AND JACK ANDERSON SAY: NEO - NAZIS PROPOSE PRESS ETHICS CO.MMJT- TEE- SEN'. DIRKSEN 7 BE COMES PATSY FOR RIGHT WINGERS: NEW YORK TIMES GETS BLASTED FOR JOURNALISTIC ENTERPRISE. WASHINGTON - One of the most significant operations of the secret neo-Nazi movement in the United States is a plan to establish a press ethics committee to rate newspapermen and broadcasters and to censure those who embarrass "The movement." Director of this committee is Frank Kluckhohn. who has been close to Willis carlo, chief Main spring of the neo -- Nazi underground and organizer of the Liberty Lobby. Carlo helped raise $90,000 which was distributed to conservative congressional candidates last year. Chief danger of the nco -Nazi underground is its influence with a long list of congressmen to whom it contributed heavily. The situation is analogous to that in Germany when nobody took the Hitler Brown shirts seriously until enlisted the support of a few key industrialists and Field Marshal Von Hindenberg. One of those whom the Nen - · Nazis enlisted was the sonorous, oratorical, naive Sen. Everett McKinley Dirksen of Illinois. Republican leader in the Senate, who has played directly into the hands of the underground. Dirksen did exactly what Kluchkohohn and the Liberty Lobby have been hoping to do. b y attacking t h e N e w Y o r k Times and its reporter, Neil Sheehan, for digging into the manner in which Otto Otepka raised the money to pay his attorney. Rober Robb. plus other defense expenses in his defense expenses in his battle against the State Department. The Department, under Dean Rusk, had dropped Otepka for leaking classified information on Walt Kostow and others to sen. Rom Dodd. D-Conn. Rostow was the National Security Adviser to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. President Nixon has now promoted Otepka from his former J14000 Job in the State Department to a 536.00D job on the Subversive Activities Control Board. By to doing. Nixon Rebuffed his own Secretary of State, William P. Rogers, who refused to reinstate Otepka. Robb. Otepka's attorney, has been promoted by Nixon to the U. S. Court of Appeals, one of the most important judicial appointments in the nation. PERSECUTING NEW YORK TIMES When the New York Times dug into the John Birch So ciety and other right -- wing sources from which Otepka had raised his legal defense fund, Sen. Dirksen took t h e unusual step of denouncing the Times, and threatened to denounce on the floor of the Senate the reporter who wrote the story. It was the New York Times in- cidently. which fired K 1 u c k- hohn. And it was Dirksen who urged President Johnson to save the Subversive Activities Control board, to which Otepka has now been appointed. What the New York Times did was a straight piece of reporting, which every newspaper has a right and obligation to do in order to keep the public informed. Reporter Sheehan showed how Otepka had been palsy-walsy with the John Birch Society and had raised at least $22.000 from its members or its fronts. Sheehan quoted Mrs. Harold N : . McKinney. a John Birch chapter leader, as saying that Otepka had "Been very helpful" in arranging speakers for the annual John Birch meeting in Boston. He quoted Julius Butler, a John Birch Chapter leader in Oak Brook, 111., as saying that Otepka had spoken to Birchite groups in Butler's home four or five times. "He comes here whenever becomes to Chicago." Butler sairl. Sheehan quoted Jerome F. Conikor, a Birch chapter leader in Deerfield. III., to the effect that he had heard Otepka speak "a few times" at the homes of friends. The New York Times also reported on Otepka's attendance .'it various big John Birch rallies and how he autographed 8-by-10-incb glossy photographs of himself at a John Birch meeting at Washington's Statlcr Hilton Hotel. Sheehan queried Otepka about these activities. lie declined to discuss them. Though the Times did a thorough job of probing Otepka's ties with t h e John Birch Society, it did not go into the equally significant manner in which the Liberty Lobby end the neo-Nazi movement has backed Oiepka. STIFLING NEWS CRITICISM If Sen. Dirksen's angry blast at the New York Times stands as a precedent, it means that newspapers cannot report on the activities of a presidential appointee facing Senate confirmation without risk of being attacked in the Senate. This is exactly what Willis Carlo and Brank Kluckhohn. with their press ethics committee, are trying to accomplish. They want to hamstring critical comment by newspapers. For instance, the Abilene Reporter-News in Texas recently exposed the John Birch Society connections of certain candidates running for Mayor and city council of Abilene. The background of these candidates was relatively unknown to the electorate prior to the Abilene Reporter New s's expose. As a result of the newspaper's enterprise, the Birchite slate was badly defeated. Frank Kluckhohn. the man who would head the proposed press ethics committee, had a spectacular career as a New York Times correspondent, be ing jailed by the British in Africa, arrested and deported by President Peron of Argentina. U. S. Ambassador George Messersmith in Buenos Aires sent a 20-page report to the State Department after the Argentine incident, calling Kluckhohn irresponsible and unbalanced. Dropped by the New York Times. Kluckhohn got a job under John Foster Dulles in the State Department, later switched to the Republican national Committee, where he worked for four years. While working for the Republican National Committee Kluckhohn ghosted two of the most scurrilous of the anti-Johnson books-"The Inside on LBJ" and "Lyndon's Legacy." T h o u g h the Republican National Committee steadrastly denied it had any connection with these smear hooks, the committee's vouchers for July 196-1 showed a SI.000 payment to Frank Kluckhohn. Kliickhnhn c o 1 lectecl another SI.000 from t h e right-wing "Americans for constitutional Action." This is the man whom the neo-Nazi underground proposes to put in charge of a press ethics committee to pass judgment on what should or should not be published. By ART BUCHWALD One of the things t h a t impresses people about the student demonstrations is the strong stand that some members of the faculty are taking on the issues. I was on the campus of North- amnesty University and ran into a professor who was trying to stop his nose from bleeding. His clothes were torn up a n d he was walking with a pronounced limp. "What happened. Professor?" I asked, as I helped him search for his glasses." "The militant students just took over my office and threw me down the stairs." "Why, that's terrible," I said. "From MY point of view it is, but I think we have to look at it from THEIR point of view. Why did they throw me down the' stairs? Where have we. as faculty, failed them?" "Are you going to press charges 1 " "On the contrary. If I pressed charges, I would only be playing into the hands of the repressive forces outside the u n i - versity who would like nothing better than to see the students arrested for assault." "But that's a terrible thing to "Yes. I have to admit I was surprised about that. But there was one heartening note. As they threw me down the stairs, one of the students yelled, 'It isn't you Professor. It's the system.' " "That must have made you feel better." "As I was tumbling down, the thought did occur to me that at least there was nothing personal in it." "Say. Professor, isn't that the philosophy building going up in flames?" "I believe it is. Now. why did they have to go and set fire to the philosophy building?" "I was going to ask you that." "I'm not quite sure, because I haven't seen any of the students since they threw me down the stairs. My guess is that it probably has'to do with something the administration and the Hatlo's They'll Do It Every Time m? students are at odds about." "But that's terrible thing to do." "I don't think we should make judgments until all facts are in. I would say burning down a philosophy building could be interpreted as an unlawful act. At the same time, there are moments when an unlawful act can bring about just reforms." "But the books, the records, the papers are all going up in smoke. Shouldn't we at least call the fire department?" "1 don't believe the fire department should be called until the faculty has met and voted on what course of action should be taken. There are times when a fire department can only in- f l a m e a situation. We should also hear from the students who started the fire and get their side of it. After all, they have as much stake in the university as anyone else, and if they don't want a philosophy building, we should at least listen to their arguments." "1 never thought of it that way." I admitted. "Professor. 1 know you can't see very well without your glasses, but 1 believe the militant students over at the quadrangle are building a scaffold. They wouldn't hang anyone, would they?" "They haven't before," the professor said. "But it's quite possible that this is their way of seeking a confrontation with the establishment." As we were talking, a group of students rushed up and grabbed the professor. "We got one here." the ringleader shouted, "Get the rope." "Don't worry. Professor." I shouted as I was pushed away by the mob. "I'll get the po- licn." "I wish you wouldn't." he said calmly, as the students led him toward the scaffold. "If we don't let the students try new- methods of activism, they'll n e v e r know for themselves which ones work and which ones are counterproductive." (C) 1969. The Washington Post Co. Congress Eyes Cuts In Military Appropriations By CLAYTON FRITCHEY WASHINGTON -- Although Congress is still digesting the huge budget sent up to Capitol Hill last week, there is one thing already fairly certain: it won't pass in its present state, if for no other reason than that it doesn't reflect the growing public resistance to unlimited, wasteful military spending. The Administration pictures the defense portion of the budget as 40 per cent of the whole, but tax-w^ise Congressmen know this is not a realistic figure. Actually, the Pentagon is asking for a 60 per cent sharp of the "administrative" budget, which includes everything except untouchable social security and other trust funds. For 20 years, the defense budget has been sacrosanct, with Congress sometimes appropriating more than the President asked, but now the revolt, which had to come, is picking up momentum, although the military demands indicate little Pentagon awareness of it. "The day the Pentagon just had to ask is over." says Sen. Mike Mansfield, the Majority Leader. "We're really going to scrutinize that defense budget in depth. I don't recall anything like this in my 16 years in the Senate. I think it's all tied to Vietnam and the problems of unrest -- the needs of the urban and rural areas. We are trying to find a balance between external and internal security." Sen Ellender (D., La.) put it still more bluntly: "Some of us have been captives of the military" -- meaning he is about to make a break for freedom. As long as the Vietnam w a r continues, it will be difficult to achieve the kind of savings ($10 to $30 billion a year) some of the defense critics are talking about. But even this year the Pentagon is not going to get all it is asking for. One of I he most inviting targets is President Nixon's billion dollar missile defense program. Last year, in order to get liis 10 per cent surtax through Congress, Lyndon Johnson had to accept a mandate to cut $fi billion out of the domestic side of his budget. Imposing an arbitrary ceiling on spending is BENNETT CERF a blunt way of legislating, but it was effective. It got such results, in fact, that some Congressmen are now tempted to apply the same principle to the defense budget, which would mean ordering a flat cut and then letting the Pentagon decide how best to put it into effect. Rep. Don Edwards (D., Calif.) has just introduced a bill which would reduce the defense budget from the Administration's S80 billion request to $50 billion, for an annual savings of $30 billion, which he would return to cities and counties to meet local needs. Edwards says"the military budget, much of it wasted, is stealing the lifeblood of the programs needed to save this country: programs for the poor, programs for the cities, and programs to end the pollution of our environment." He is convinced that the savings would not jeopardize national security. His estimate is that a $50 billion defense budget would represent in actual purchasing power the Soviet military expenditures plus 20 per cent. He also notes that his $30 billion savings equals the annual cost of the Vietnam war. Unless American people demand a halt. Edwards says, "the federal government will spend this country into catastrophe." His views "are echoed by Business Week, which says: "There is no more important problem for President Nixon and the Congress than to establish adequate supervision and control of the Defense Department programs, without hampering operations of the agency. The Pentagon as well as powerful companies will fight any attempt to curb their activities. But a method to check the proliferation of unnecessary and unsound military programs must be found. The alternative Is sure disaster." For decades most of the Congressional budget cutting has been the work of a coalition of Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans. T h » drive against military spending seems to he generating a new coalition of liberal Democrats and moderate Republicans. Tt could have surprising results. (C) I960, Nensday, Inc. Try And Stop Me Tlip new secretary was an cyp- fill but so stupid that cvpn tha nflicp's official girl watcher was afraid he couldn't keep her. "I'll bet you never even heard nf Winston Churchill," he chidcd her. "That's right." she beamed unperturbed. "Harry Truman? General Marshall? John I.lnd- nay?" She rcRintcrrd blanks on all three. Finally, desperate, IIP implored, "Tell me at least you've hoar riof Lincoln." "Oh, Hint's one you're not, going tn stump me on," slip enthused. "Isn't his last name Nebraska?" From the notebook* of Mac Mr- Clear.v; A cocktail party Is a gathering at which you meet people who drink so much you can't remember their names. H'.«. nice lo see folks with lots of gft-up-and-Ko- especially if they're relatives visiting you.

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