Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona on May 16, 1967 · Page 17
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Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona · Page 17

Tucson, Arizona
Issue Date:
Tuesday, May 16, 1967
Page 17
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QCucsott Unity (Eitizcn ESTABLISHED 1879 Published Every Afternoon. Except Sunday "" MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS IWEBffi^JF^NITESrPRESS 11 iWEW^TIONAL PUBLISHED BY THE CITIZEN PUBLISHING CO. Mail Address: Box $027 Telephone: 622-5855 TUESDAY, MAY 16. 1967 PAGE 18 Campus Leaders Help The City . - The BMOC (big man on campus) of a generation ago tended to concern himself solely with undergraduate affairs. Today, he seeks a bigger voice in university policy and a leadership role in the community at . large. A very healthy movement in this direction is taking place right now at the University of Arizona. ·v The student thrust to achieve a voice in policy has taken different forms on different campuses. It was seen at its' sickest at the University of California in Berkeley a couple of years ago, when a number of bona- fide students chumped along in a phony free speech movement directed by non-students and Communist infiltrators. Things are different at UA. In announcing recently that spring vacation would be extended from four days to 'a week, President Richard A. Harvill said well-docu- naented student arguments were a factor which influenced the decision. i Rafael Arvizu, UA's newly elected student body president, has ambitious plans to achieve better com- -rnunication between students and administration and to give students a more meaningful role in establishing university goals and stimulating intellectual life on campus. --' Good. This bespeaks a maturity of approach which fias not always been evident in collegiate circles. ^'. ^ .Any university, however, must be largely authoritarian and it must be run by the administration rather than the students. With that understanding, it is highly desirable that there be easy communication between students and administration, which should always stand filing to give serious consideration to serious suggestions from students. -. · This new awareness in student leadership does not stop at the edge of the campus. Mr. Arvizu sees clearly the intimate relationship between the UA student body (a community of 21,000 spending an estimated $42 million a year) and the larger community of Tucson which surrounds it. And students now have a beachhead inside civic affairs. Student body Vice President James Miller has been appointed to the transportation committee of Tucson Regional Plan Inc. It makes sense. UA students have 10,000 vehicles. Traffic and parking problems in and around campus are Staggering. And the university's traffic problems cannot be entirely divorced from the city's traffic problems. - ; - "I'd like to see," Mr. Miller said last week, "a better public transportation system, all vehicles barred from the campus, and a private bus system in the area such as exists in Disneyland. . ." .1 That kind of thinking deserves attention whether it "comes from undergraduates or from recognized experts. Making Laws '^ . During its first regular session earlier this year, Arizona's 28th Legislature maintained a fast and furious tempo of activity. No one ever dreamed of calling it a -'·do nothing" legislature. A few presumed to call it a ? 'do too much" legislature. The complete record, as tabulated in the June newsletter of the Arizona Tax Research Association, shows that: A total of 572 bills were introduced (300 in the House and 272 in the Senate) and 135 of them were passed by both chambers. The governor signed 134 of them into Jaw and vetoed one. The first session of the 28th Legislature was, indeed, productive -- a fact which may have future campaign significance because this is the first Arizona Legislature in which both houses have been controlled by Republicans. ; It is interesting, however, that even in a busy lawmaking year more than three-fourths of the bills introduced failed to pass. Rejecting bad bills is as important as passing good ones. DENNIS THE MENACE CHAMBERLAIN IVo Time To Be Dogmatic Between now and the kick-off of the Republican Presidential primaries in New Hampshire, we shall be reading reams of copy on (he chances of Nixon, Romney, and all the rest of the hopeful?. But even some of the anti-Nixon pros, such as Nelson Rockefeller's George Hinman, are mournfully conceding that Nixon already has the edge. The polls show that Romney is still the most popular with the people, but Nixon has southern convention strength pretty much in his pocket, which gives him at least half of what he needs. So how is he going to be headed off? The only way to do it is to come up with a candidate who could incontestably beat Lyndon Johnson. For a few weeks there W3u an undercover Rockefeller boom Now the effort is to prove that George Wallace is setting it up for Romney. By manipulating the Third Party threat posed by the former Governor of Alabama, it can be shown that Nixon would be bereft of enough votes in the South by Wallace to ruin the old Goldwater "southern strategy." Romney, of course, would do worse than Nixon in the states of the Old Confederacy. But the arpu- ment goes that Romney can win in the industrial North and East where Nixon can't. A lot, however, depends on just how ornery people are going to feel in 1968. The dopesters who give Romney a better chance than Nixon against Johnson in a three-cornered race thai would include George Wallace haven't reckoned with the d'stinct likelihood that there will be Tour parties in the field even as there were in 1944. Given a further exacerbation of the Viet- nik mood, the various "peafe" organizations will almost certainly present a spoiler r-nndi- date of their own out of spile. If the Reverend Martin, Lulher King could be persuaded to run against the field, what effect would it have on the electoral college vote? And would it make any difference whether the Republicans ran Romney or N : xon? In 1948, as an editorial writer for Life Magazine, I was charged with setting forth plausible reasons for thinking that Republican Presidential nr-minee Tom Dewey had it in the bag. Dewey couldn't miss. The Progessive Party's canji- date, Henry Wallace, would take hard-core Left votes away from Harry Truman in the North and East. The Dixiecat candidate, Strom Thurmond, would lick Truman in the Deep South. Well, Henry Wallace did help Dewey in New York State and in Michigan, and Thurmond captured the votes of South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee and Louisiana. Some funny things happened elsewhere, however. Henry Wallace had a big following among the Hollywood "liberals," but he failed to parlay this support into a big enough spoiler margin to let Dewey win the California electoral vote. And, by taking votes from Republicans in Virginia and Florida, Thurmond only succeeded . in throwing those states to Harry Truman. On the day after the election, which Truman so unaccountably won, Henry Luce, who regarded the Life editorial page as his soapbox, grabbed me in the elevator and said: "We have group journalism. We've got to say how wrong we went on the election, and you are stuck with it." Having had one disastrous experience with a four-cornered Presidential race, I'm leery about another. By geometrical analysis, Johnson would actually benefit from a four- cornered contest. George Wallace would pull Rightist votes away from the Republican candidate, Martin Luther King would capture the peacenik crowd which would otherwise go to a Republican just to spite LBJ, and the vast patriotic center would stay put for the Democrats because '^you don't change horses in midstream." But this is the sort of pure mechanical thinking that led the dopesters astray in 1948. What if the 1968 realities were to hinge on states like California, Virginia, and Florida, even as in 1948? With George Wallace winning the Deep South, arid Johnson taking much of the industrial North, the final decision might rest on California, th.3 plains states and the Northwest. In which case, who is the batter Republican candidate? This will depend on the future bshavior of the aspirants. But, at the moment, there is no point in saying that Romney is better than Nixon, or vice versa. The winning margins could be supplied by negative reactions to Johnson, or by attitudes toward such tilings as "open housing," or by foreign policy preferences. And where is the computer that can come up now with an answer? copyright 1W7 HENRY HAZLITT Bankruptcy Of Labor Laws When President Johnson asked for a special law imposing compulsory arbitration to avert the impending railroad strike threat he was in effect confessing the breakdown of the existing Railway Labor Act of 1934. But he did not' openly confess that the Railway Labor Act was a failure. He did not even openly concede that he was proposing compulsory arbitration. His lieutenants preferred to call it "extended collective bargaining and mediation to finality." The truth is that the Railway Labor Act has been an obvious failure for the last 25 years. Yet nobody has had the courage to suggest its repeal or even its basic revision. The theory of the act was simple, A railroad strike was "unthinkable." Therefore, when any railway union threatened a strike, a special emergency board wouk- be appointed by the President to recommend fair terms of settlement. Neither side would be legally compelled to accept these terms, but it would do so in dread of public indignation. The practical result is that through the railroads have always accepted these awards for fear of government seizure, the unions have rejected them ever since they found they could get a better deal by doing so. In November, 1941, a Presidential board awarded the railway operating unions a wage increase of 7.5 per cent and the nonoperating unions an average increase of 13.5 per cent. The railroads accepted the awards; both groups of unions rejected them. Thereupon President Roosevelt reconvened the board and ordered it to try again because of (unspecified) "new evidence." The board took the hint and obligingly revised its awards upward by about 10 per cent. On April 25, 1946, the engineers arid trainmen turned down an award of a Presidential board for a wage increase of 16 cents an hour. On May 22 President Truman proposed that the 16 cents an hour be hiked to 18.5 cents. The unions still demurred and struck. President Truman seized the roads and asked Congress for a law to induct strikers into the Army, to take out antistrike injunctions and to eance' strikers' seniority rights. In November, 1959, the railroads proposed work rules changes to reduce ruinous featherbedding. They got nowhere with the unions. Under the Railway Labor Act a Presidential railroad commission was set up. It studied the work rules for 13 months and .presented its report on Feb. 28, 1962. The railroads accepted the proposed settlement; the unions rejected it. Then the National Meditation Board offered to arbitrate. The railroads accepted the offer, but the unions refused it. After a series of legal battles through the ' federal courts, which the railroads won, they announced on April 2, 1963, that they would make effective the work rule changes that the Supreme Court had affirmed was their right. The next day President Kennedy named Emergency Board No. 154 to recommend a settlement. On May 13 the board brought in a report accepting the philosophy of the Presidential commission, but making further concessions to the unions. The railroads accepted the recommendations; the unions rejected them. Finally, in August, 1963, with a threatened strike a few days away, Congress passed a taw imposing compulsory arbitration. Just for that one time, of course. Now six railway shop unions have rejected the award of a Presidential emergency board. And now President Johnson wants more delays and more mediation panels and then compulsory arbitration. Just this «nce, of course. Copyrloht 1947 SYDNEY HARRIS We Are A Democratic Republic S-K. 'tiQto THAT I'M SICK, MAYBE I'O UUST ORINK HOT «°cnr eeef*, HUH ? The right - wingers are fond of making the distinction between a "democracy" and a "republic." They point out that our nation was established as a republic, not as a democracy; and they are ardently in favor of the former, while violently opposed to the latter. But a republic without a democracy is a hollow shell -and the shell is easily filled by a dictator or an oligarchy. A republic is simply a country without a monarch, which is ruled by representatives of the people. Germany under Hitler xvas A republic. Spain under Franco is a republic. Both Russia and China call themselves republics in their official titles. There is nothing in a republic that automatically precludes despotism and dictatorship, the rule of violence and bigotry. A democracy is quite another matter. A democracy is based on the simple and obvious fact that no man or group of men .is good enough to be trusted with the uncontrolled power over others. I am not good enough, you are not good enough and nobody we know is good enough. Aristotle said that democracy is the least bad form of government. Theoretically, we could devise better forms; but, men being what they are, these superior forms would degenerate and become far worse than our bumbling, inefficient, and sometimes corrupt democracy. When the founders of our nation stated unequivocally that "all men are created equal," they did not mean to state the silly untruth that all men are created similar or identical or without vast differences of ability, energy and brains. What they meant to state was the rock - bottom truth that all men have the same right to determine their own fate; that all men deserve equal treatment, and an equal voice, in the law; that all men must be regarded as ends in thenvselves, and not as means to other men's ends. This is what democracy is all about, and this is why it is the only form of government that a free people can afford -- with all its weaknesses, inconsistencies, defects, blunders and stupidities. It is not as good as it might be; but we have found nothing better. Democracy is under great attack in this century from both the right and the left. These extremists seem to be antagonists at opposite poles, but their similarities are greater than their differences. Both distrust and despise ordinary people, while pretending to repres- en u i Clunk they kncv? what is good for us better than we do; and both would enslave us under the guise of liberating us. We are a democratic republic. The two are indissolubly linked in our history and public philosophy. Those right - wingers who challenge this linkage are just as "un - American" as the left wingers they oppose. Strictly Personal If you car't also love, in some funny way, fhe unattractive parts of your work, then you can never love the attractive part of it as much as you should. (And might not the same be said of loving our mates?) Can we say that a scholar bowed down by his own learn- iijg is dying by degrees? Copyright 19*7 UMDE;RPCWE£ED AND OVERtOAPED Letters To The Editor A WAY TO REMEDY THE RAILWAY CRISIS To the Editor: The American people are again faced with the' possibility that a strike will shut down virtually the entire railroad industry. Despite the existence of a continuing railway labor crisis, the President has -- as of this date -- failed to deliver on his January, 1966 promise of legislation to deal with strikes against the public interest. On Monday, May 1 Congress barred a nationwide railroad shutdown for 47 more days and virtually demanded that President Johnson offer legislation to settle the present dispute. But the President has indicated he will propose another patchwork solution rather than meaningful labor legislation intended to solve the nation's continuing labor crisis. The American people can only hope that he will introduce legislation that attacks the basic reasons labor disputes escalate into national emergencies. What can be done? The National Right to Work Committee urges the introduction of legislation that would restore to the Railway Labor Act the Right to Work provision that was deleted in 1951. We believe the elimination of compulsory union membership in every state should be the first and most important step in correcting to- rn mfrom,-t/ie ^f * I · Arizona Citizen Seventy-Three Years Ago in the Old Pueblo TUCSON, ARIZONA TERRITORY, MAY 15, 1894 San Ysidro, Rural Saint All honor was shown today to San Ysidro Labrador. San Ysidro is the rural saint, the patron of the fields and crops. The image was carried today about the fields below town, with a gay procession following. They went through every field. The custom k to take a single field at a time, march around it with songs and occasional firing of guns when the celebrants become particularly enthusiastic, returning to the house therefor. A new start is made for each field. At every house refreshments are on hand, and are served. A feature is usually an olla of teswin, a light wine made of corn. No other intoxicants are permitted. The procession through the fields today lasted much of the day. The first of the crop of each field was promised to the patron saint. The Chinese gardeners have come to have due regard for this annual festival, and were among the heavy contributors, some of them giving money. One rancher, Manuel Castillo, made the promise years ago to give special celebration to this festival each 15th of May. Tonight, as usual, he will serve a grand spread, and all members of the procession will be there to partake. After the special prayers, presumably for good crops for the coming year, will follow, lasting the whole night through. At midnight another big supper will be served. Compiled by Yndia Smalley Moore, Citizen historical editor. day's imbalances of labor-man agement relations. Under the Taft-Hartley Act excessive union power is restrained to some extent by the existence of Section 14 (b) which reaffirmed the right of the individual states to outlaw comp u 1 s o r y unionism. Nineteen states have done so by enacting Right to Work laws. But the transportation industries are covered by the Railway Labor Act, and in 1951 Congress repealed that part of the Act that guaranteed freedom of choice to all workers covered by the Act. The repeal legalized compulsory unionism and paved the way for the transportation crises of the past few years. . . We believe that the record shows that the restoration of voluntarism throughout the union movement is a vital first step in the ultimate remedy. . . Americans who agree should urge their congressmen and senators to adopt the following amendment to the Railway Labor Act: "The Railway Labor Act is hereby amended by deleting subsection 2, eleventh." The addition of these 12 words would ensure freedom of choice with respect to membership or non-membership in a labor union for all railroad employees. REED. LARSON Executive Vice President National Right To Work Committee WASHINGTON, D.C. VANDALISM ON NATIONAL SCALE To the Editor: Damming the Colorado rivex in any location which could affect Grand Canyon even to the slightest degree, would be vandalism on a national scale . . . (Mrs.) NINA PAUL SHUMWAY 1622W.InaRd. ·AW. JUST IGNORE THEM, SENATOR-THAT HURTS THEM WORSE THAN ANYTHING. SUSTScKWR'g-p''"' - - · ' - - - - - - affltfT^L ,

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