Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona on May 15, 1967 · Page 26
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Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona · Page 26

Tucson, Arizona
Issue Date:
Monday, May 15, 1967
Page 26
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Tucson VICTOR RIESEL ESTABLISHED 187t Publiched Ev«nr_ Aftcnttoft Except Sunday MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATEDPRESS fc INTERNATIONAL JVM A^*T*«* * KW ^^ ··· ^f " ·· TM TM TM~ ·"- TM ~ " PUBLISHED BY THE CITIZEN PUBLISHING CO. Mall Address: Box 5127 Telephone: C22-585S MONDAY. MAY 15. J967 PAGE 26 War Is Issue For Repu blicans It becomes increasingly clear that the war in Vietnam--if it's still going on, as seems probable--will be the- big issue'-of the 1968 presidential campaign. It is certainly not yet clear how that issue will be exploited' and how it will affect the outcome of the big race. With the election 18 months in the future, the Republican Party already is in danger of muffing a remarkable opportunity. The GOP clearly needs to reach r a consensus on Vietnam, not a comprehensive document full.of tactical detail but a simple statement of policy on which party leaders and the rank-and-file can agree. Democrats are badly divided on the war issue. But there is no doubt where President Johnson, the leader B" of the party, stands. He will be judged by the people not £ on the basis of what he said in 1964, but on the basis of -' what lie has actually done since then. What he has done since then, of course, is enlarge .;-,-; and escalate the war. :'; This is no minor War in which the United States of America is involved. It represents a substantial ex- · penditure of American lives and American dollars. · ; " If there is at this moment anything resembling a ; Republican consensus on Vietnam, it is simply one of -support for the President. And thai is a politically un-. productive stand for the opposition party to take with a presidential election coming up next year. Why should GOP leaders deprive their party's candidate of what could be a decisive issue in the 1968 election? The big'issue for the Republicans should be the charge that the Johnson administration has got the country into a war.it can't end. Remember what happened in 1952, when the country,was ,tired,pf .the Korean conflict and Ike campaigned "with the promise, ''I will go to Korea." He swept into office. Some of the same emotional ingredients are at work in the nation today. It\should not be too difficult for Republicans, even including the couple of far-out doves in the party, even including a handful, of hawks, to agree, that the Democrats have got into a war they can't end. The Republican candidate will need latitude to speak of various ways to end the war. He will want to speak of. new approaches to negotiations which might lead to an honorable peace. He will want to speak about victory. He will want to speak about America's long- range goals in Asia. He will want to criticize the Johnson-administration, not for opposing Communist aggression, but for its conduct of the war and the paucity of its long-range policies. He cannot do these things. effectively if his party officially supports President Johnson's policies. But a good candidate can do them effectively if his party unites in the charge that the Democrats have got the nation into a war they can't seem to end. Killer Speed The public is admonished to "drive defensively--and live." But defensive driving won't save you against offensive driving which handles a car like a weapon instead of a vehicle. A 21-year-old University of Arizona student was killed last week in an automobile accident for which she had no defense. She was killed when her car was rammed simultaneously by two other cars driven by thrill-seekers drag racing in a residential area. Police officers said the dragging cars were traveling at speeds higher than 70 miles an hour. The death of Mrs. Sharon Young on her first wedding anniversary was both needless and senseless. Yet there was nothing she could have done to avoid the death-dealing battering rams on wheels. Here was a woman whose car could have been safe- :ty inspected minutes before. She could have been a careful, defensive driver . . . a firm practitioner of the rules of traffic courtesy. But none of these could have - helped her avoid the drag racers. C - There is no defense against Killer Speed. ^ DENNIS THE MENACE "t Rocky-A Busy Non-Candidate NEW YORK: - The other Saturday night was hardly the loneliest night in the week for Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller and his lady, Happy. For a non-candidate, Mr. Rockefeller did some mighty swift hotel-hopping and banquet bantering -- and all before labor audiences. To the politically sophisticated who raced in his wake, there no longer.iwas any doubt of either his drive for the Republican presidential nomination or the strategic pattern of his campaign. The "Eastern establishment," now reaching through and past Pennsylvania, was proving that it could successfully crack the Democrats' big city vote -- especially on the labor front -- even if Lyndon Johnson does stand for reelection. On that Saturday night, April 29, the governor and his lady first made an early appearance at an overcrowded banquet honoring AFL-CIO vice presid^n-t David Sulliva.i, leader of the politically influential Building Service Employes International Union. On the dais with the governor were the crusading Cardinal . Spellman, Labor Secretary Willard Wirtz, his new young Assistant Secretary Tom Donahue, virtually all the powers of Eastern labor -- and a message from the President of the U.S. they had come to honor Sullivan -a labor leader's labor leader who stays out of the headlines but whose influence in the highest labor circles is stronger than even the closest observers know- Sullivan has just been singularly honored. Pope Paul VI has named him knight commander of the : Order of St. Gregory -- a distinction never before be^stowed on an American labor leader. It is the highest church honor which can be given to a layman. Gov. Rockefeller was cheered more loudly than any but the guest of honor. That came as he was introduced. A roar went up again when he apologized -for leaving because he had to go to a passover seder. Then he raced from the Commodore Hotel to the Waldorf. There he joined in the traditional feast with rabbis and labor leaders who had come at the invitation of Histadrut, the Israeli labor federation. Once more the cheers hit what passes for rafters in the grand ballroom as he introduced Happy, spoke of his delight w i t h the special soups and food and apologized for coming iate because he had just helped Dave Sullivan celebrate at the Catholic gathering. This was not the Rockefeller of yesteryear. The speech comes smoothly and when he is amongst labor leaders, he almost always knows he is amongst friends. He comes to their dinners. They go to his. No one need con- 'jecture any longer over the loyalties of hundreds of labor leaders. The New York Republican machine will prove this on June 8 at the big G.O.P. state dinner to which will come Republican leaders from many states. And sitting amongst them will be officials of at least 60 unions -- most of them with built-in political machinery. At no less than $150 a plate. This means they are willingly helping the party raise funds for a cam- paign -- and here there really are no campaigns to speak of between now and 1968. New York is not the only arena in which the Republican's Eastern establishment has moved into Democratic territory. Not too long ago the militant Pennsylvania AFL - CIO state labor federation ran its eighth constitutional convention. Republican Gov. Raymond Shafer, considered here a "moderate conservative" and an ally of Nelson Rockefeller, spoke and was well received. With him was his Secretary of Labor and Industry -- the state's second largest department. William Hart is on leave of absence from his regional directorship of District 19, United Steelworkers of America, The entente across the East is built on the theory that there are forces inside labor with which the Republicans can work -- and win -- just as Mr. Rocke- ~ feller's New York country chairman Vince Albano, a banker, proved when he took Manhattan from the Democrats for the first time in history. None of this indicates an inclination to battle the Western and Southwestern establishments inside the Republican party. Rockefeller knows he can't win or place without it. And his new found ally, former vice-presidential candidate Wil' · l i a m Miller, is trying to make .the twain meet. He was on such a mission in Colorado Springs the other day. The political arithmetic is against Gov. Rockefeller. But he is certainly trying to prove that it's the old math. Copyright 1967 ROSCOE DRUMMOND De Gaulle And The Kremlin WASHINGTON -- The Kremlin must be viewing General de Gaulle as one of its valuable allies. · This is increasingly evident in the speeches recently delivered ·by Soviet party chief Leonid Brezhnev to the leaders of the .European Communist parties. The extent to which de Gaulle and Brezhnev are pursuing similar purposes, though for different reasons, is striking and in 'the end may give many Europeans a very cold chill. Both want to keep Britain out of the common market. Both want to dismantle NATO. Both suggest that foreign- based troops in Europe be withdrawn to their borders -- U.S. troops 3,500 miles from the heart of Europe and Soviet troops 500 miles from the heart of Europe. Brezhnev wants to dissolve all American influence in Western Europe and de Gaulle wants to dissolve nearly all American influence in Western Europe. Brezhnev proposes a conference of European nations to , draft a new all-European security treaty. This would be done at a conference without the United States to develop a European collective defense pact also without the United States. There is no doubt that the cold war has substantially changed in recent years because of the success of the military and economic policies of Western Europe. But it is clear that Moscow is not interested in any real detente with the West unless it can be obtained completely on Soviet terms and that Moscow is not disposed to join in removing the causes of the cold war. Brezhnev is acting to capitalize on anti-American argument and emotion which have given de Gaulle as much support as he has outside France. The European countries are stronger and more prosperous and they want greater freedom of decision. They see the U.S. as so powerful that it can hardly function as a partner without dominating. They see U.S. capital and U.S. technology extending their hold on European industry. These are legitimate concerns. They can't be pushed aside. They have to be worked out together. Fortunately, the Soviets have almost invariably overplayed their hand. They overplayed it in Berlin; they overplayed it in Cuba. I suspect that Brezhnev is overplaying it today and that his design for a Western Europe free of the United States will emerge with cold clarity to most Europeans; that is, a Western Europe dominated by the Soviet Union. And that they won't buy it. Even General de Gaulle does not want to see the North Atlantic Alliance dissolved as a commitment to defend France if attacked. What de Gaulle apparently wants is to keep the U.S. as far away from Europe as possible in time of peace but instantly ready to come to the defense of Europe if war breaks ouL Copyrisht 1947 ART EVCHWALD The Opposition Speaks WASHINGTON -- The latest Republican policy report on Vietnam has caused great consternation in Republican circles in Washington. The report, which was quite critical of the Democrats' handling of the Vietnam war, was responsible for more anger among Republican politicians than it was among the Democrats. The reason for this is that the Republicans so far have been supporting President Johnson's policies with far more vigor than the Democrats. One Republican leader told me, "As the opposition party, we think it's wrong at this time to criticize the Democrats. The way our government is set up all opposition to the Democratic policies must corne from the President's own party." "Then you think it was wrong for the Republican policy committee to release a 'white paper' pointing out the mistakes the last two Democratic administrations have made in Vietnam." "I certainly do. The one thing the Republicans have been noted for is their unity in backing the Democratic Party. We may not agree with everything President Johnson does, but we should keep this dissatisfaction to ourselves and show a solid front. Otherwise the opposition in President Johnson's party will take advantage of our minor disagreements." "But if you don't criticize President Johnson's policies how can you maintain that you're the opposition party?" "Everyone knows we're the opposition party because we're not in power. But just because we're the opposition party doesn't mean we have to oppose the party in office." "If the role of the opposition party is not to oppose the party in power, what exactly should your role be?" "To support the President against his own opposition in the Democratic Party. We don't want to do anything to encourage the Democratic Party leaders who are against President .Tfxh'ncQn^ 1 ' "That makes sense," I said. "But why if the Republican Party feels this way did it release the GOP report pointing out all the errors of the past two Democratic administrations?" "Very few of us knew about the report. The policy committee was acting in good faith because they thought Republicans might want to have some guidelines on which to attack their Democratic opponents in the 1968 campaign. But we had no idea the report would also attack President Johnson and the Democratic Party as well. It was so serious Sen. Everett Dirksen had to come out of the hospital to defend the President." "Dirksen's a good Republican," I said. "I notice Barry Goldwater has also been defending President Johnson's policies in Vietnam." "Most Republicans are," the spokesman said. "There is a small minority of discontented politicians in our party who are against Mr. Johnson, but every opposition party has to put up with them." "Will you punish the Republicans who have come out against President Johnson?" I asked him. Irs being discussed. After all if you don't have party dis- _:_i: ...i.,** l» n ..j* i./sti r*/\f*** U l J J l i l l C , K T l i a L I J C I Y C JfVJU f f j l . I ran into a Democratic Party leader a few hours later and asked him if he was disturbed by the GOP "white paper." "Not in the. least," he said. "You can't blame all the Republicans for what a few misguided Republicans do. You have to have a strong two-party system in this country and as long-as the majority of Republicans support President Johnson and many of the Democrats oppose President Johnson, we'll have the balance that has made this country so great." Copyright 1H7 * THIS is THE FIRST we rve BACKP IMTD: JOHN CHAMBERLAIN Should 18- Year-Olds Vote? Wherever there are votes, some politicians will go. And now that the post-World War II "baby boom" has resulted in a big increase in that portion of the population that is in the 1820 age bracket, it is scarcely surprising that a campaign is on to lower the voting age from 21 to 18. The Kennedys, Bobby and Ted, who are consciously pitching their appeal to youth, are in the forefront of the move to let. the 18-to-20-year-olds have the franchise. The issue will certainly come up at the New York State Constitutional Convention, and, since Governor Nelson Rockefeller and Presidential aspirant Dick Nixon both agree with Bobby Kennedy that 18-year-olds should vote, a change in the State voting pattern could easily become a reality before 1968. This doesn't mean that it is necessarily a good thing to lower the voting age. Since liberals are usually for change for the sake of change if they can find no better reason for it, one would expect to find a clear-cut division between liberals and conservatives on the issue. But surprisingly, it is a liberal D e m o c r a t , Representative Emanuel Celler of the New York Tenth Congressional District, who has taken the lead in Bobby Kennedy's home state in fighting the idea that 18- year-olds are sufficiently mature to exercise good voting judgment. Celler is one of our most valiant trustbusters, and one . would have supposed that he would have opened his arms to the 18-20- year-old group as natural recruits for his crusading beliefs. But Manny Celler's intellectual honesty has kept him from seeking support in the swinging set. "There are sound psychological reasons," he says, "why the age of 21 has been considered the beginning of maturity." Adolescents, h e says, are Arizona Citizen Sixty-Seven Years Ago in the Old Pueblo TUCSON, ARIZONA TERRITORY, MAY 14, 190(T The New Citizen Arrangements have been made for placing The Citizen upon a new and more vigorous lease of life. The old type will be discarded and the paper will soon appear in an entire new dress from head to foot. With the typographical improvements to be made will come an expansion of the.news service both local and telegraphic. . . . The management of The Citizen has been placed in the hands of George H. Smalley, who is well known in Arizona as a newspaper correspondent, and one who is familiar with the desires of the people of the territory. The Citizen will be fair and fearless of the criticism of public men, reserving that independence which forms the character and strengthens the influence of a newspaper. The birth of The Citizen dates back to 1870, and during its long life it has received a most generous patronage . . . Compiled by Yndia Smalley Moore, Citizen historical editor "easily inflamed," and see things "in patterns of black and white without shadings." Addressing himself to the argument that if a boy "is old enough to fight, he is old enough to vote," Celler says "the qualities which make for a good soldier hardly make for a good voter. Thus, 'instant obedience' . . . 'not to stop to question why,' 'quick reflexes,' 'physical fitness,' are indispensable qualifications for good soldiering. And scrutiny, critical appraisal, a point of view, a philosophy, are essential in effective voting. So, to say that if he is old enough to fight he is old enough to vote is hardly following the principles of logic.' : How good are Celler's arguments? Having watched four children grow to age 21, I can tell him that rates of development are different. But our high school education is not yet up to preparing 18-year-olds to vote. Few high schools give even the most elementary training in economics. The courses in "problems of democracy" are all very well, but the student still needs experience in the workaday world to check realities against abstractions. Of my your who have reached 21, only one was ready to vote white he was still 20. And this was because he had the opportunity to check classroom knowledge against what he learned as a reporter on a newspaper during the summer months. The argument is made that 18-year-olds are already meeting their responsibilities, and therefore have earned the citizen's franchise. No doubt some have. The boy who is earning his way through college could presumably be trusted with the vote. The 19-year-old soldier lying in jungle mud may be sufficiently mature to deserve the franchise. But what about the bottle breakers who take the family's second car to Forfc Lauderdale in Florida for the Easter puberty rites? Do they know how to run the state? Copyrlghf 1«7 Here's OLIPHANT Pulitzer Prize Cartoonist 'WHERE ARE WE AT? 1

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