Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona on February 1, 1973 · Page 28
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Tucson Daily Citizen from Tucson, Arizona · Page 28

Tucson, Arizona
Issue Date:
Thursday, February 1, 1973
Page 28
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PAGE 28 .EDITORIAL PAGE Nixon budget charts new course With the overriding concern of Vietnam now diminished, President Nixon can devote more of his energy and attention to shaping domestic affairs. The shape of things to come is becoming evident during these first 10 days of his second administration. In his Inaugural Address, he urged Americans: "Let us remember that America was built not by government, but.by people -- not by welfare, but by work -- not by shirking responsibility, but by seeking responsibility. "In our own lives, let each of us^ask -- not just what will government do for me, but what I can I do for myself?.., " \ In a radio message to the nation last Sunday, President Nixon returned to the same theme: "It is time to get big government off your back and out of your pocket." : In his annual Budget Message to Congress the next day, the President charted the course he would have the .American people follow in this nation's return to greater self-reliance. Without fear or favor, massive federal spending programs would be subordinated to the Nixon goal of encouraging able-bodied Americans to stand on their own two feet. To say that the President .would dismantle President Johnson's Great Society reflects a simplistic view. What is being changed is the financing and, in many .instances, the administration of .education, health, housing and other programs. These changes are more than justified for either of three reasons: .--The programs over the years have proved themselves to be counterproductive. --The programs have' achieved the purposes for which they were instituted. --The programs and the federal money used to support them can be administered better at the local level. In short, .and to paraphrase Treasury Secretary George P. Shultz, President Nixon has shown that "he has the guts" to stop federal programs that don't work. Yet as deep as his cuts seem on some health, education and welfare programs, 47 cents of every budgeted dollar still would go to human resources. By comparison, only 30 cents of the budgeted dollars would go to defense spending. President Nixon's plan to end spending for additional Hill-Burton hospitals and community mental health centers is an example of the hardheaded, straightforward reasoning that underlies the.'proposed changes. The Hill-Burton program is now more than a quarter century old. It was needed when it was started because the nation had a shortage of hospital facilities. The administration has found that now there is a surplus of hospital beds. Additional savings in federal outlays would be possible because many of the education, housing and other programs now administered from Washington would be turned over to the states and municipalities, where they can be more responsive to the particular needs they were designed to meet. More efficient organization, elimination of duplicating functions and responsibilities of competing agencies in Washington would account for additional savings. The most striking example of this approach is the President's proposal to eliminate the Office of Economic Opportunity and to turn many of its functions over to other agencies already capable of handling them. Congress traditionally is reluctant to cut federal spending. The present Democratic-controlled Congress already has placed the President on notice that it does not take kindly to reducing federal handouts in home districts. President Nixon is well aware of the difficulties his budget faces. He knows also that acceptance of it may be all the more difficult because the budget reflects a new direction away from federal paternalism. It is a direction worthy of America and of her people. Arrogant stand Arguments being raised by civil libertarians against the government's recently instituted searches of airline passengers to prevent hijackings are bothersome and may eventually wind up in the courts. What the airlines and the Federal Aviation Administration should not have to contend with, however, are protests leveled by any federal official against the routine checks at air terminals. Sen. Vance Hartke, D-Ind., is guilty of this. Sen. Hartke raised a ruckus at Sky Harbor Airport: in Phoenix a few days ago because he was asked by TWA to submit to search and screening. He refused to do it. And the airline, rather than submit to a $1,000 fine for violating FAA regulations, told the senator he couldn't fly with them, and he didn't. Sen. Hartke had twice gotten away elsewhere without being searched, and both times the airlines in question were fined. In Phoenix, where he had gone to speak, his protestations and invocation of Senate "immunity" didn't work; he had to drive from there to Albuquerque, his next stop. Hijackings are far too serious a matter to permit treatment of anyone as some sort of super-citizen. The airlines are to be commended whenever they stick to the rules in cases like this, regardless of who is involved William A., Small Jr., Publisher Paul A. McKalip, Editor Tony Tselentis, Associate Editor Dale Walton, Managing Editor George C. McLeotl, Editorial Page Editor . · ·. · THURSDAY, FEBRUARY I, 1*73 The final gasps Youth council fading away By ASA BUSHNELL Assistant Managing Editor If you're interested in a report on the Mayor's Youth Council, don't look in the children's-story section at the local library. You won't find it there. In fact, if you find it at all, it may be among the heavy stuff, hardly fit for juvenile consumption. Ambitious adults have tampered with the up-and- down history of the youth group · until it's now way down -- probably for the final count. Insiders contend it's simply another chapter in a continuing series of political power plays aimed at control of that uncontrollable labyrinth, known ,-as City Hall. And if the body is indeed laid' to rest, the postmortem should show that its unfulfilled life was cut short at less than five years -- hardly, time to. get going. ; The youth council was born in 1958, with no funds but. with hopes of instituting a community action program. Its purpose: To encourage youth involvement during a period 'when young people distrusted! government. Mayor Lew Murphy, then city attorney, fashioned an ordinance that gave the group substantial clout. It became the first youth commission in the United Stales 1.o forge -a link with.city government, the reputed model .for 32 others that were to follow suit. With Murphy's election in 1971, the group sought to beet up its strength. City Council responded and soon reorganized il as the Tucson Youth and Delinquency Prevention-Council. Members of this new coalition, without public fanfare, interceded in last year's disturbances at El Capitan Park. They applied youth-to-youth' "rap" techniques to help ease warm-weather tensions. · "We also put the heat on Gene Reid (city parks director) to open the neighborhood center and shift park equipment from the East Side to El Capitan," says Dan Trumbo, who served as city youth supervisor from' May to November. "There have been no confrontations since then, and we deserve a lot of the credit." The youth group seemed to be on the upswing in 1972. In addition to stimulating a community program to combat juvenile delinquency, it provided young marshals for the Tucson Community Center to enforce marijuana violations. It also convinced the city not to spend ?15,000 annually on the rival Tucson Youth Board, because most of the money went to salaries, not projects. Trumbo, 24, eagerly prepared for anticipated 1973 federal rev-, enue sharing funds that were earmarked for such diverse youth 'council beneficiaries as the Tucson Boys Club and an organization to aid young parolees. But it was not to be. A member of City Council's Republican majority, jumping at the chance to grasp yet another arm of city government, suggested estab- lishment of a Youth Development Bureau. Trumbo wanted no part of it, noting he was responsible directly to the mayor. A provisional appointee (that's what Trumbo was, thanks to inter-governmental agency chief Bill DeLong, who set up the youth supervisor's position while still city clerk) isn't supposed to say "np" to those who can make or break his job. Trumbo discovered this fact of political life as community relations director Phil James conveniently "misplaced" youth council minutes -- so effectively that GOP Councilman Jerry Myers recently asked where the youth group had been hiding. Strangely, the post of youth supervisor was phased out quietly., instead of being accorded Civil Service status. Murphy .predicted this week that a newly proposed Metropolitan Youth Council, "an umbrella mechanism to include all the youth organizations," would make sense to him -- and would rate $30,000 in funding from the councilmen. A disgruntled Trumbo disagreed, insisting the money would be wasted on adult salaries to operate the program. "The youth council still exists on paper, although it is not functioning," Trumbo sighed. "It could fill a community .void by capitalizing on the potential of revenue sharing to offer proven youth programs." But! readers, do you wonder now why it won't? People turned oil what a lousy war By ART BUCHWALD When President' Nixon announced the cease-fire in Vietnam last week there M'as little rejoicing in the land. The trouble is that Vietnam has given all wars a bad name. Howard Sufferman and a small group of concerned citizens in this country have started a War Anti-Defamation League which hopes to dispel the prejudices against war caused by our adventure in Indochina. Sufferman told me, "I don't think people should judge all wars by Vietnam. Of course there are always a few rotten ones in any barrel, but the majority of wars are upstanding, patriotic events that most Americans can be proud of." "What do you think wrong with this war?" I asked Sufferman. "For one thing." he replied, "the good guys and the bad guys looked alike. You really can't have a good war when both your enemies and your allies have slanted eyes." "But the bad guys did wear black pajamas," I pointed out. "No matter," Sufferman'said, "it was hard for Americans watching TV every night to gel: steamed up about a bunch of little runts who were five feet tall and weighed G5 pounds. What kind of enemy is that?" "Terrible casting," I agreed. "I knew the war could never work," Sufferman said, "when no one on Tin Pan Alley wrote a war song to get the blood boiling and the juices flowing." "It's hard to make anything rhyme with 'protective reaction strike,' " I said. "And Hollywood let us down miserably." Sufferman added. "In order to have a good war you have to have dozens of motion pictures showing our brave American boys with their backs to the wall wiping out hundreds and hundreds of the ruthless yellow enemy. If you want In know the truth, what we missed more than anything was Errol Flynn. Perhaps if he were alive and we had put him on the Ho Chi Minh Trail-with a machine gun and five hand grenades the entire attitude toward Vietnam might have been different." "What else went wrong in your opinion?" "We didn't have rationing," Sufferman said. "The American people like to make sacrifices during a war -- they want to be part of it. We had no scrap drives, no blackout curtains, no posters warning the enemy was listening. War is no fun if you don't feel a part of it. "Even if the U.S. government didn't need it, they should have asked people to contribute string and 1 tinfoil." "Maybe the next war will be better." I said. "I 'hope so," Sufferman said. "A couple more lousy ones like Vietnam and you're ; go'ing to get the American people turned off on war for good." Coovrlaht 1973 *$%g$!^^ · ,, *' v " · MOON SHOT; Lessons of Vietnam Danger at end of tunnel G · . · PAUL GREENBERG The tunnel does have an end, after all, and one emerges blinking in the light, grateful but still wary. Everything seems subtly changed, even Richard Nixon, Was it just imagination, or was that a slightly different Mr. Nixon on television announcing the cease-fire? He seemed 1 more at ease, less forced. Maybe it was because this time he was delivering, not selling. The President must have been aware, with that record-keeping knack of the sports fan, that this was to be the high point and vindication of his two terms, and of his whole foreign policy. There was no need now to refer to the old charges in order to refute them: that bombing would do nothing but raise enemy morale; that no peace was possible until Nguyen Van Thieu was thrown out; that it was all a fraud that would never end. But that ugly, hybrid word -- Vietnamization -- seems to have concealed 1 a policy all along. There was no need for polemics now; Mr. Nixon had his cease- fire. He could turn with some grace, as -he should have, to speak of reconciliation and healing. The President did not go into the specifics of the agreement, but it was difficult to believe that he had settled for anything less than 'honor -- not after all that had been sacrificed. Borders are to be respected, there will be no betrayal in the guise of a coalition government, the peace will reach out to Cam- bodia and Laos, elections are to be held 1 and supervised internationally. The experts will hack away at the details, but no less important than the terms themselves is whether they will be ob- .served. And what has been gained after all these years and all this blood? In a sense, nothing. Vietnam is back-at the Geneva Accords of 1954, with peace still dependent on the good will of each side. But the United States did not enter Vietnam to gain anything, certainly not territory. The President in his telecast called the American effort there "selfless," so selfless that the fairest critics of American policy have called the war not wicked but irrational. The United States went in not to conquer, but to assure'that an ally would not be overrun by force. And that objective, simple in motive but terrible in demand, has 'been achieved: South Vietnam has not been overrun. And all that would have meant in Asia and beyond has been averted. We may be in the presence of a victory no one dares recognize, and one that extends beyond Vietnam. The "long, twilight struggle" of which Adlai Stevenson' spoke -- of neither all-out war nor sure peace -may be ending at last. The most dangerous mistake would be to come out of the tunnel unwary, to be so dazzled by these bright new hopes that the lessons of the dark passage will go unexamined. One must rememuer what happened in the tunnel: Mark My Words Bum in hippie clothing By JIM FIEBIG It took more courage to be a beatnik than a hippie. A beatnik didn't have a war to pull out of his pocket when someone asked why he dropped out of society. He freely admitted he dropped out simply because society bored him. Or vice versa. The -hippie made no such concession. He was "showing his disgust for the arms merchants, the military-industrial complex, the napalm, the refugees . . . the terrible unjust war." He was the flower child -- showering the petals of peace on a country gone crazy. Whoopee. But what will his excuse be now for dropping out -- now that his crutch has been signed away? As I see it, he has two choices: (1) He can rejoin society and take his licks with the rest of us, or (2) ihe can begin confessing to others and himself that he would have dropped out, war or no war. He can admit that Vietnam was merely a timely convenience -- a handy, righteous cloak to hide his distaste for responsibility. He can admit that a few years earlier he would have been a beatnik. And a few years before that -- a bum or a hobo. Let us learn that the will of the American people is not inexhaustible:, Barry Goldwater back in 1964 tried to warn th» country about the dangers of an inch-by-inch war. I am;not persuaded he was right in urging the" use of greater power sooner, but those of us who dismissed his arguments then rather than ' consider them fully, owe Sen. Goldwater an apology, which I now'tender. , Let us remember the dangers of the easy assurances and quick timetables -- that, too, was part of Lyndon Johnson's style -- and how they brought only disappointment and disbelief. Let us remember, too, the value of national unity, and ask how long its absence has delayed' this peace. And how that unity can best be restored. A divided nation cannot hope .-to offer the stability and leadership that so much still depends on. For Richard Nixon has a p' for peace that goes far be;o Vietnam. He means those plu tudes in the inaugural, and \. not be diverted easily. Inx that. chairman of the '.:c ... there is a vision of peace for lu.. world. . There once was such a general peace -- in Europe for a century after the Congress of Vienna. But in the end, a conflict was born of such dimensions that it could be called a world war. That alone should make us careful in this hour of hope and calculation. At last a divided and weary nation is out of the tunnel, but the journey will continue. And it is best to go vigilant. Convrlaht 1TO

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