Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana on March 16, 1988 · Page 4
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Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana · Page 4

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Logansport, Indiana
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Wednesday, March 16, 1988
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Page 4 Pharos-Tribune, Logansport, Indiana, Wednesday, March 16, 1988 Opinion The free exchange of ideas is the greatest protection of liberty. Taxes: Always being raised "You can't just go around making speeches against (raising) taxes when you have a demand for services and a constitutional mandate to balance your budget.'' This just about sums up the case against the balanced budget amendment which President Reagan again asked Congress to approve and forward to the states to be ratified. It was not. a statement by an opponent of the proposal or by a Democrat. It was instead made by Republican Governor Michael Castle of Delaware. He was responding to a request for a comment on why Republican governors haven't wholeheartedly supported and adopted as party policy the proposition: "Republicans don't raise taxes." They do — when they are governors. Governor Bill Clements of Texas, a Republican, answered: "We reached a point where you had to discard all the rhetoric and take some action. I tell 'em: 'Look, somebody had to (raise taxes) in Texas this year (1987).'" Vice President George Bush, Senator Hubert Dole of Kansas and Representative .Jack Kemp of New York, campaigned against raising taxes. At the national level, no Republican favors a tax increase. It's unpalatable, but until someone proposes a credible and politically realistic way to increase federal revenues, how eise do these candidates suggest achieving the other sometime fundamental of the Republican Tarty, a balanced budget? ublic Forum Stay out of prison '.' or all kids: T))i,s is written to try and point out what happens to UK-young who are sent to prison. If ayoung i •;•; :•••( TJ who is sent to prison isn't aware of this, i 'in! orrwm is in serious trouble the moment he or ::'u- walks in the gates. Some ihings that happen aren't very nice. The > oniii' are preyed upon by the homosexuals, and i I •'• prison hustlers. After they have been :i;-j)!oachodby this group of prison's society, they ••'!.•• most, times, if they aren't strong willed and 111 i i i loi.l, are physically forced to become one of ihcse people. Thc-re arc several of us here in the over 40 age i .qroup i, who have discussed what we could do to p:-"vcn1 these things. Oh, we try to take their ri'i'K but if doesn't always work. So we decided to . ,"•; !>iis for print, so you (society) canhavean '• M • i ,\iid mainly it's to tell you, the (young) — ; .I; •;!•-•• do what parents ask of you and obey the ''•:\vss>i' the land. ,'':•!•!<• may say, what is a convict writing this :•••'•. \\>ll, to answer your question, we feel that - < t •.' t we never obeyed neither parents nor the i••".;•, wo have an inside track on things. So wo hope that if kids read this, then they will !.;••(• IJioir minds and not do things like drugs, or •'Volsol, or other things (like these) that put you in I :!;v..'e like this. Because what they need to ••< iiihcr, is this; — the prison society is filled v 'in murderers, rapists, thieves, drug dealers, • !]-.-fi))"lics, child molesters, homosexuals and •si hi T various types who committed crimes. Su< f, flfi.ys, weeks, months and years pass, but (his society never gets any better. You have to eat and share a cell, or room with these people. Also, r<>>!u:niber kids, once in here, people forget who vnu are. So for God's sake, and yours, please )•<• nrniber what this contains and read it over and o'"" And remember, you only go around once in '•({•", <••.'! live it as a true member of society and i iicnca. •vvii, v. •:> who have written and discussed this, h'ipe you will take notice before it's too late for 'inn 1 of you out there. Remember, no matter how tough life seems out (h<To to you now, it's 10 times tougher in here. > <m cun'i go anyplace you want, when you want or with who you want. Hay Armstrong !>:,•• laini Department of Correction \-\'i : slviUc ('(."Tcctional Center Westviilr The Past One Year Ago 1 leather Killion and Paul Rudolph were named valedictorians for Logansport's Class of '87. Ten Years Ago Cold lunches were served once a week for two weeks at Logansport High School as a method to reduce energy useage. Logansport schools were following a voluntary curtailment in excess of 50 DCTCOnt. FWUMUflB Legislators' Addresses Hoosier members of the United States Senate and Loganland members of the House of Representatives, their local and Washington (D.C.) offices and telephone numbers are listed for those who wish to contact them regarding national, state or local issues. SENATE DAN QUAYLE — 447 Federal Building, Indianapolis 46204, phone 1-317-269-5555; 524 Hart ' Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20510, phone 1-202-224-5023. RICHARD LUGAR 447 Federal Building, Indianapolis 46204, phone 1-317-269-5555; 306 Hart Office Building, Washington D.C. 20510, phone 1-202-224-4814. HOUSE JIM JONTZ - 104 W. Walnut St.. Kokomo, 46902. phone 1-800-544-1474 or 1-317-459-4375, or 302 Lincolnway, Valparaiso, phone 1-219-642-6499 in Indiana. His Washington office is 1005 Longworth House Office Building, His phone number in Washington is 1-202-225-5037. JOHN T. MYERS - 107 Federal Building, Terre Haute 47808, phone 812-238-1619; 2372 Rayburn House Office Building, Washington D.C. 20515, phone 1-202-225-5805. Marianne Means Bush! Is he Reagan's heir apparent? I f Vice President George Bush is the Republican presidential nominee, the general election contest is sure to become a referendum on Ronald Reagan's policies — a choice between more of the same and a sharp change in direction. Bush, who has a towering lead over chief GOP rival Bob Dole, has campaigned as Reagan's clone, stressing his loyalty to the president and defending the administration at every turn. He has made little effort to establish a separate identity or propose new ideas. That strategy hurt him in Iowa, where a troubled economy has made Reagan unpopular, but proved to be the key to his impressive strength on Super Tuesday. According to CBS News exit polls, an overwhelming 83 percent of the Repubican voters in the Southern states said they approve of Reagan's conduct as president and a majority of them went for Bush. The Democratic nominee, no matter who he is, will campaign with the cry that it is time for a shift in priorities to address domestic and foreign policy issues that the administration has bungled or ignored. All the prospective Democratic candidates would put more emphasis than Reagan has upon domestic social programs, trim defense spending, pay more attention to the needs of women and racial minorities, tinker with the tax system to reduce the deficits and pusli for further arms control. This year could well be similar to 1960, during which the vice president of an aging and popular president campaigned against a largely unknown Democrat who charged that the country had grown stale after eight years of the same administration and promised to get things moving again. The voters narrowly decided it was time for a change: Richard Nixon lost by a half percentile to John F. Kennedy. If the Kepublican nominee were Dole or someone else not tied to Reagan by an umbilical cord, the contrast between the two parties in the fall would be less clear-cut. Dole, for instance, played no role in the sale of arms to the ayatollah and has taken positions independent of the president on several major issues. He could genuinely claim to be his own man with his own principles, which Bush may never be able to do convincingly. By tightly wrapping himself in the Reagan mantle, Bush has left himself little flexibility to counter new Democratic proposals or attacks upon past administration shortcomings. He can't suggest new directions or initiatives without appearing to criticize the president. Dole has been portraying Bush as an Empty Suit, a man with a resume but no independent record, a theme the Democrats are certain to pick up later. Whether the president's popularity will be transferable to his second banana in the fall is very much in doubt. For one thing, Reagan the man has always been more attractive to the public than his policies. And no one has ever accused George Bush of being an amiable former Hollywood actor of great warmth and charm. The core of Reagan's political support was built up over more than a decade of espousing conservative causes, including those of the religious right. Those conservatives may currently be accepting Bush as Reagan's heir by default, but they will never feel the same dedication to him. Bush was, after all, a member of the party's Eastern-dominated moderate wing until he got on the 1980 ticket. It might not take much to get the right wing to stay home or desert him if he seems to stray back toward his old position near the middle. Yet to win, a GOP presidential candidate must attract votes beyond his party, as Reagan successfully did twice. Less than one third of the voters say they are Republicans; the rest claim they are independents and Democrats. Reagan's popularity, which is not nearly as high with independents and Democrats as it is with Republicans, stands at less than 60 percent these days. While a respectable showing, it is far below this peak before the discovery of the secret arms deal with Iran and not enough to guarantee that his coattails will be long. Only two years ago, before the Iran-Contra scandal, Reagan campaigned vigorously on behalf of GOP Senate and House candidates, contending their election was essential to sustaining his programs and the nation's economic well-being. The voters ignored him. Instead, the Democrats reinforced their heavy majority with six new seats in the House and recaptured control of the Senate as Republican membership sank from 53 seats to 45. As vice president, Bush has had the advantages of high White House visibility, enormous sums of money, and a national organization built upon eight years of doing political favors. But he also bears political baggage born of the administration's two biggest disasters, the Iran-Contra scandal and the huge deficits. He has yet to be candid about the former or to provide any remedies for the latter. If the country is still basking in peace and prosperity next fall, the idea of Bush as an extension of a known quantity, the Reagan administration, may sell. But if the country is uneasy and ready for a fresh start, Bush is going to look awfully tired and shop-worn. Means is a syndicated columnist based in Washington, D. C. Charley Reese CclStrO! Cuban Americans beating him I n a grimy industrial park in Southwest Dade County Jorge Mas sits in a plain office devoid of any indication of his considerable business success. One metal file cabinet, one picture of his family, a large map and an ashtray full of pipes constitute the entire decor of the small room. Yet within the span of an hour, Mas has been called by two congressmen seeking his advice, a member of the National Security Council, a U.S. ambassador to a Latin nation and the U.S. delegate to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. He himself has called a man close to the president of another Latin American nation to lobby for that country's vote against Cuba on the matter of human rights violations. All of this activity reflects a massive change in the long war between Cuban exiles and Fidel Castro's dictatorship. It is the equivalent of the Normandy invasion for the exiles. At last, Castro is on the defensive. The Cuban American National Foundation which Mas and seven or eight other Cuban Americans created just a few years ago put him there. When Castro went to the Paris Club of Western creditors seeking new loans for his failed economy, the Cuban American National Foundation was there, too, supplying detailed evidence of Castro's inability to pay back any loans — evidence supplied bv a former economics minister who defected. Castro went back to'Cuba empty-handed. When the poet Armando Valladeres was freed from prison through the intervention of the French president, the foundation was there to make sure the world heard Valladeres' story of the inhuman torture and murder in the Cuban gulag. Valladeres is now the U.S. representative at the U.N. Commission on Human Rights as well as the target of frantic smear attempts by Castro. The hardest blow against Castro has been Radio Marti, a U.S. Information Agency station which broadcasts the simple truth into Cuba on a daily basis, breaking Castro's monopoly on information and spoiling his propaganda pie. It was when the Cuban American National Foundation successfully lobbied Radio Marti through Congress that the Cuban-American community as a whole realized what Jorge Mas and others had been preaching was the truth: The American political system works if you play by the rules. Now the Foundation has been given a grant by Congress to do a feasibility study on a television Marti. That would finish Castro for certain, though he's finished without it, anyway. To a whole generation of Cubans born under his dictatorship, the Caribbean Stalin has become "an old man who talks too much." It's only a matter of time, and Castro is running short of it. The successor the Cuban American National Foundation and the optimism it has generated is better understood in perspective. The first flow of exiles fleeing Castro in 1959 did not expect to stay in the U.S. more than a few months. They could not believe the U.S. would tolerate a Soviet client state in clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine. John F. Kennedy, however, disabused them of that notion, first by botching the Bay of Pigs invasion and then by agreeing to protect Castro from the exiles in exchange for the Soviet missile withdrawal. These blows forced the Cubans to realize it would be a long time before they would see Cuba again. They began the arduous task of rebuilding their lives.'Mas, for example, after the Bay of Pigs, served in the U.S. Army, washed dishes, delivered milk and labored as a stevedore before building his construction business. It was when men of his generation — men in their early 40s -- finally achieved some success that they began to think of ways to pay back the country. You can go from Maine to San Diego and from Alaska to Key West and you won't find a more patriotic group than the Cuban Americans. The great contribution of the Cuban American National Foundation has been to channel that intense patriotism into the political mainstream. Reese is a syndicated columnist based in Orlando, I<'l;i.

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