Fremont Weekly Freeman from Fremont, Ohio • Page 2

of man. Our' British ancestors were blamed, and justly, for introducing in our midst this institution; and he for one, would never vote for its imroiluc-; tioa any where, where the. people did not desire it. The question of slavery ithout the limits of the States was a debatable one. Slavery within the Slates was lindebatahle.

On the question of shivery wi.hcut the Suites there was room for a dif- fereuce of opinion, but not for such a differanee of mininn fi lat th hrvuL'iiKf 11 of this I I Ho differed widtlv from his friend from Michi- gaii fc uie. uitiuuig huiiiiij i incisions of the Supreme Court, and elementary 'writers OR the constitution. He regarded, that when a constitutions' question was once decided by com-patent authority, it was settled. Otherwise there was still Ile put gentlemen to say if there was not an SOtual existing power somewhere to introduce or exclude shivery from the If so where was the power? Bvfore the treaty with Mexico that nawer was vested in Mexico, she then the territory and; the sovereignty over it. Mexico parted with the territory and the sovereignty to United States, and now the United States have all the powers an! sovereignty possecsed by Mexico before the treaty.

The power d.ws or dot not exist. And, if it exists, the United States have all the powers possessed by Mexico, under the limita- tions of the constitution. There no power tnven to Congw'SS in es- jjl UIB slavery, but' there was no powir given express terms over an infinite variety of other subjects which were acted upon every day. It was an in- cident-il power. Where there was a power to acquire thera was a power to control.

He willingly admitted that Congress had the power to introduce HlhU HIP icn IICM irro vnv; yj I iumwuih-- tion una exclusion went logetner. As to the second truth, that slavery was not likely to exist in any part of the territories, he had few words only to say. California, by her own action, had -excluded slavery forever from her limits; and there, any where in tlw territories, it was most likely that slavery would have found a foothold and if slavery is not permitted there, where else in the territories was it likely to be introduced? In the cold" and mountainous district the climate and soil forbid its introduction. Then it was a truth that slavery was not likely to exist in any part of the territories. All knew this to he he fact; then why should there be any hesitation in it In the free States whre the Wilmnt Proviso was first agitated, this territory was about to be ac quired, aua tue people there were unoring- under the apprehension that slavery would likely he extended to hose territories, and, under this apprehension, instructed thir representatives to vote against il But -there is no no cause urn- such apprehension.

If the representatives from those States could have held inUrcourst with their constituents ranee the im-t of California's action has he- known, and could have pointed out to them the dangers of pressing the Proviso, when all they wanted would result as well without its enactment as with it, those constituents would tell thj-m to forbear; to cease pressing the Wiimot Proviso, and relieve the country from dangers. They would tell them come herp calmly and quietly settle all the difficulties that now threaten the Union. Mr. C. then proceeded to the examination of tin thiru ana tourtn resolutions, proposing certain boundaries for Texas, and t- pay the debt of Te.x- fcs, for which the duties on her imports wTere pledged while she was a Republic.

He held that th United States had no power to divide or cut off anv nortion of that or anv other State: but in all questions of unsettled boundaries the United States had the power to settle them. The boundaries of Testis had never been positively determined, and the United States had the power to do so now. Moreover, it was proposed to pay her debt; and this was proposed as a compromise; in the hope that that State would agree to the settlement of all difficulties, and restore peace and harmony to the Country. Mr. Foote said, that if the Senator would give way he would move the adjournment.

Mr. Clay acquiesced, stating that he would fin- is nis remarks to-morrow. adj men on motion. FiBRUARY 6th. The Compromise Resolutions were taken up, in regular order.

Thy crowd being very great Mr. Clay said that if any person came there with any expectation of hearing him make anr display, they would be greatly disappointed: his own health, the season of the year, as well as the scns-n of his own life, all admonished him to say only so much as was necessary to the explanation and support of the measure under consideration. The fourth resolution was under his consideration, when ha closed yesterday. After a further brief explanation of it, ho proceeded to the consideration 11V UilU IlirJIllllUII. This resolution was, that it is inexpedient to nYviiifih kI a iff it in tha Disttrit of whilst that institution continues to xist in Maryland, fnatnt rvf filufu' ivi'tltoiir rlu Ann.

sent of the people of the District, and without just compensation to the owners of slaves within the District Kn objection was made on the occasion of the presentation of the resolutions, by a Senator, to the recognition by this resolution of a power in Congress to abolish slavery in this District He had never doubted this to exist in Congress. He did not believe that any one could doubt that power who would calmly examine into the subject. Tiie Constitution declares Congress shall have power "to exercke exclusive legislation in all cases whaUerur oversunh district as may, by cession of o. i .1... i ti uuui'ir oiawaf ttuu inu congress, beeomi "the seat" of Government of the United States.

What language can be conceived more -comprehensive than the words "exercise exclusive .,11 very was abolished in Maryland and Virginia, and in all the other States of this Union, then would there be any power to abehsh it here If so, where would that power be? Or was slavery to abide in this District for all eternity Maryland had no power over this District The other slare-bolding powers had no such authoritv. Then the power mast be in Congress. He had expressed similar views in 1838 on this subject. In 1838 he 4 1. 1.

fl 1. A 1. 1 1 1 1 vuocs nw jjiwt-r, uai tsnomu not exeicise it without consent of Maryland, Virginia, 'the people of the District, and without compenea. -tion to the owners. Sinoe then that part of the District ceded by Virginia had been retroceded to iter, ana ner consent was not now necessary, she not; being more interested than any other slave State.

He had held then, as ha did now, that while Congress had tho power, it ought not to be exercised, Maryland aid Virginia in granting ths District did sj under implied promise that slavery should not be touched therein without their assert. This District was ceded by Virgiuia and Mary land, and accepted bv the United states to be the seat of government; and to make it the sevt ofj government should be the leading idea in all our legislation for it and hence it is inexpedient to abolish slavery here without the desire of the people and the assent of Maryland. After the adoption of the constitution, Maryland and Virginia, in a feeling of fraternal peace and happiness which then prevailed over the Union, generously ceded to the United States this District; but in doing so, they never thought that Congress should make it a thorn in their side by abolishing slavery here. He thought, in 1839, and believed now. that the Congress of the United States, as an honorable body, could not interfere with slavery in the District without a violation of nil those implied agreements with Maryland and Virginia, which to honorable men, were as binding as if contained in the Constitution in express terms.

The resolution does not admit or. deny that Congress has the power to abolish slavery in this District. It is si-ient. Tho resolution in substance provides that Maryland shall release the United States from all those implied obligations and, if she does so, one obstacle in the way is removed. There were other obstacles to the abolition of slavery here.

One was, thnt the consent of the people of this District should first be o'otaiiif d. The people of this District were in an anomalous They are a people governed by sn arbitrary power. They are taxed and governed by an authority in which they have no voice. Arbitrary power he defined to be an authority exercised by a power in which the people over whom it is exercised have no representative. Congress having this arbitrary power, should never exercise it in a manner harsh or unkind.

The consent of tin-people should be first obtained. The resolution did not-stop here. It provides for another thing. There should be a compensation given to the owners of slave lor their property. Congress should he restrained by every motive of public policy and every principle of eternal justice from depriving the people of the District of their property without milking just compensation.

Enl ir.d and France, when they abolished slavery in their possessions, diil not do so without compensating the owners for their property and these countries were not bound by anv written or unwritten obligation to pny, but there was that obligation which till nations recognize, the obligation of eternal The provision in the Constitution which says that all private property for the use of the Government must be paid for, did not literally author m-this appropriation of pul lie nu nry. but, by a liberal interpretation of the clause would make it that, all property for the use or at the instfince of the Government, would authorize the payment for the slaves. He said yestervlav thatther'1 was none of the res olutions which did not provide for mutual conces sions, or which did not concede to the oohth without anv compensation to the North. The North Contends, and he thought correctly, that Congress has the power to abolish slavery in the District The South denies this uower. The North con cedes, by this that it is inexpedient, and makes and agrees thnt slaver here shall be co-existent with slavery in the States; but this concession was made in consideration of the assertion that it whs expienVnt to aholish the slave trade in thN District lie right and the power to (to tins In thought nnqnestiohaMe.

Py an amendment to the Constitution, it was provided, that all powers not granted expressly to Conoress were reserved to the Mates and to the people. This was applica bf to the powers of Congress over the p-ople the several But in regard to this District, he considered the reverse was the law. Over thr District Congress had the same which the States had over all wtthin her own limits, an Cong- res had all the (Miwers over this District not expres sly prohibited by the Constitution. I -re was im Stale but what had flcted on the subject of llu-slave trade. Kentucky had placed in her new constitution the same prohibition against buying slaves into that State to be dealt in as properly, as wa in the old Constitution.

Mississippi had a similar provision. Maryland had a provision on tln-saine subject, and perhaps- other States. The adoption of this resolution he did not think would be as acceptable to one as the But in these days of continual alarm, every nirht when he i went to bed and so rising in the morning he ap prehended lo hear new dangers and difficulties. But he had witnessed proceedings in another "Mate, where ih was declared that if the slave trade were abolished in this District it would be.su'Bjieut cause for a southern convention, which is thes-ime thing as considering the expediency of dissolving the union. To what a -decree of foilv and extrava gance passion will lead them! He ha 1 been always ready to abolish the slave trade in this District." Why should the traders in this kind of merchandise come to this place from other States, and shock the feelings of men, by marching long trains and corteges of manacled human beings on the avenue? Why should they be allowed thus to outrage the feelings of men bv spectacles so detestable as this This subject of much disquietude should be settled with equal sat isfaction to both parties; and the South should re joice at this abolition bs much as the North.

Adopt this resolution and other healing measures proposed, and there will be restored to the country that peace and harmony which it has not known for thirty years. lht seventh resolution relates to the surreuder of fugitive slaves. On this subject he would go as far as the farthest in earn ing out the enforcement of the Constitution. It was a requirement of the Constitution and every State, and every State offi cer, and every man in the union, was bound to aid in its execution. It was a provision of the Constitution which every citizen was bound to observe; every man holding an office took tin oath to sup port the Constitution, and was bound to aid in the restoration of a fugitive slave.

No man was bound to make a tour of his State to hunt up fugitives, but all persons present at the arrest of a fugitive slave are bound to assist, the master in capturing him that is, if any man is bound to aid in the execution of the laws of the country. It was a po er and riaht equal to tbit relating to fugitives from justice; and no man pretends to deny that a fugitive from justice should be given up when properly demanded. He thought the decision of the. Supreme Court on this subject had been greatly mistaken. The decision was that all laws of impediment to the recapture of slaves bv the free States are forbidden by the Constitution of the United States, and that the United States have no power to impose duties on State officers not required bv the State constitutions and laws.

Beyond this tns decision did not go. The impediments thrown bv State enactments in the way of the enforcement of this provision of the Constitution w-ere produc ed by evils which he hoped would work their own cure. With the exception of Virginia, perhaps, no State had more re ison to complain on this subject than Kentucky. The Senators from Ohio know that it is at tho greatest peril, even of life that a -nf irki.in can attempt to recapture a slave who has escaped into Ohio, I It was unneivborljvand unkind, that a slavehol-'such d.r cannot travel through the free States with his servants without having ihem" taken forcibly from him. Heretofore there were acts in force in the free Slates, in behalf of-sojourners, but, with the exception of the States of Rhode Island and JTcw Jersey, these acts had been swept away, 'he seduction of slaves from their owners in many instances one in his own family when, after dwelling awhile in freedom, they have begged to be allowed to return.

He hoped that it would hereafter be considered by the free States their duty to adopt laws for the enforcement of this part of the Constitution. It was wrong, also to hold States responsible as States, for the act of a few persons only and he never could conceive that the conduct pursuit by northern persons to masters in pursuit of their slaves, would be sufficient cause for dissolving the Union. There was ground for mutual complaint Massachusetts places her legislation on the ground of the treatment, by the citizens of Charleston, to the minister she seal there, Mr. Hoar. Massachusetts might have declined sending such a mission there.

It was stated that his mission was for the purpose of bringing before the Courts of South Carolina the question of the rights and privileges of certain colored people. He was driven out of Charleston, in the same way that another was driven out of New Orleans. Ile'did not undertake to justify the conduct "of either parly. If South Carolina treated Massachusetts badly, there was no reason why Massachusetts sJiould badly treat Virginia, Kentucky, and other States. He mentioned the circumstance to show that both sides had causes fur complaints.

Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, sp.id he never had heard the npoWy stuted by the Senator, as "the reason for the Legislature of Massachusetts. The ground on which the lawsjwere repealed w.is. thnt the court had decided them to be tinconstitional. The cause of Mr.

Hoar being sent to Carolina was this. Massachussets has much shipping trade there, and there are employed a gn-Rt many free colored person who are recognized as citizens of the commonwealth. Those persons complained that on the arrival tit Chaih ston, these free colored men were placed in prison and confined till the vessels was r.hout to putting the owner of shipping to much inconvenience and trouble. Massachusetts proposed to several citizens of South Carolina to employ them to test the validity of this law, nn 1 it was declined, nnd then she sent Mr. H.

til-re for that piirnos Mr. Clay Slid that lie had obtained his information from a distinguished citizen of Massachusetts. He hoped that thrtt stab would, upon being more correctly informed this cVcif-on of the supreme court, reverse her legislation. The eiehth resolution is in these wnrf's: That Cony-reps hfs no power to ob--tri'ct (l 'n slaves between theslaveholdinff States; 1 ut thai admission or rrcVsipnof slaves brotiubt onp into nn ther of them, depends exclusively upon their own particular laws. The Supreme Court had already decided this subject, and, he hoped, decided it forever.

Such was the series of rcFo'utiors which he had prepared, with a view I offer the olive branch to Ihe cd discordant fririt? or the dny. He ws to a'' attached to h' own prxdnctions, won'! willin-dv conserl to th ir improvement. TTf nut it to tlc. candor of pn1--rcpi to say, if their duty wu'd be performed hy liirrfin" their action to the objection to this or that pro friar point. Let tliPm nro'luce their plans, nnd let them all see if any thing better can be aborted.

Present with such a scheme, an hp would hail it with pleasure, and adopt it with dt-lieh. When preparing this n'nn comnmm-was suTrrpsf -d-to 1 is mind, nnd fter consider ing it, he had it less worthy of mutual nnnroH-oi'Mi than tl-p nl-n His agency in establishing the Missouri line of 30 dpg SO mill, had been grpat'y He hid boon wonderfully, surprised nt the rPTvditv with historical events nrp forgotten. Hp was not. as had been said, the author of thst compromise linr He was not even a member of the House in which it originated. -At the first session at wbich a bill was 'ntrodnc-pd to ddnrt Missouri, the bill the House in sisting rn engrafting tbp nmv'sfi of the ordinanepof 1 737, and thp Spnat dissenting.

A tho npyl session, Maine was knoclfin" for ad mission. Tb Senate conplpd the two Stites together in or Mil. nnd said if vou do not admit Missouri will pot admit Th's was dopp by a decided minority. The bill went d' the staws corferonoe hprore if wassottled. nnd thpn it vs settled by dis connecting the two Ptates.

thpn it Wfpthat Mr. Thomas, a spnator from Illinois, proposed thp line of 3fl deg 3f min nnd so it passed, nnd so it went to Missouri, and for a whip quieted the coun try. Bv a reference to the lonrna's it nppenrs irr every instance this line of 36 deg 30 min. was by Mr. Thomas.

The line of 3fi deg. 30. nvnutcswns votpd for by a majority of the Senators from the South, amoprr whom were Mr. I in knev. of Maryland, and Mr.

of Alabama. Tn the tb maior'tr of the Southern members, bender! by Mr. Lowndes, voted for it. He believed he did two. At the next session it was discovered that Missouri had inadvertently introduced into her constitution an interdiction of free colored people, and when the constitution came to Congress the country was in an uproar.

Legislative bodies had taken action to keep out Missouri because of this interdiction. He did not come to Wasip-'bn that yeni till January, and, with a view to settlement, he asked a committee of thirteen to be appointed from the old thirteen States, and that committee reportpd a resolution, which was defeated by three southern votes. The matter then laid over. He believed he could have carried any thing, as there was a majority in Congress in favor of settling the difficulty: but there was the ayes and noes, and unfortunately there was not enough of Curtinscsand Le-onidases willing to sacrifice themselves for the country. He then proposed a committee, that of the House to consist of twentv-three members to be chosen bv ballot for Mr.

Taylor was speaker, and it was Mr. Taylor who had ropospd this proviso on all ocenssions nnd on the first ballot eigteen of the twentv-three persons nominated by him as members of the committee were chosen. The remaining live were then chosen. Much to his regret, som of thes declined, nnd Mr. Randolph was appointed on the committee.

The two committees met in the Senate Chimberon the Sab bath, and but a few days before the adjournment of Congress.nna, niter consnltation.adopted a resolution submitted by him. That resolution was reported to both Houses, and became the law. And what was it? It was a mere resolution, declaring, ns a great fnndnmpnfal principle, that the Constitution of the United States was the paramount law of the land, and that all Stafp constitution nnd laws were of no effect in conflict with the Constitution of the United States. That, if there were any thing in thp constitution of Missouri in conflict, with the Constitution of the United States, Missouri shall, bv some solemn act of her Legislature, suspend its operation, and that upon act of Missouri being communicated to the I President, (Mr. Monroe,) the President shall issue his proclamation, and Missouri shall then be adniit- ted into the Union.

This was the compromise. All parties were satisfied with the assertion of an incontestable principle of law," couched in rather high-sounding words, which meant nothing. The enactmentof the line of 36 deg. 30 min. would be an interdiction of slavery north of that line.

Will the south be satisfied with this? The Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) has said he will except nothing short of a recognition of the right to hold slaves south of that line, which proposition could not command over twenty vote's in the Senate. Is not non-action bv Congress the best poli cy? It is better to have non-action than legislation, interdicting slavery north of 36 deg. and no recognition of it south of that line. No earthly power could make him vote to introduce slavery south of 36 deg.

30 min. but that if a ma jority decided that shivery should be interdicted north, unc; recognized south of that line, which would be but equal justice, however much it would conflict with his principles and feelings, he would be the last to interpose any obstacle to Us adoption. But non-action by Congress, as he proposed was the best policy. It had been said that non-action secured ever thing the north demanded and who was to blame for this Not congress. If the people of California thought proper to exclude slavery, that was their own business, and a policy they had a right to adopt.

If nature bad rendered the soil of the rest of that territory unfit for slavery to exist there, there was none to be reproached save nature and nature's God. Mr.C. then traced the history of this ntition from its foundation to the present day; its vast increase in population and territory; the glorious manner in which it had prosecuted several wars, and tjie brilliant renown it had gained through the gallantry, skill and achievments of its officers. The events of the late war, nnd the conduct of the two great nnd leading officers, were dwelt upon with much power. 1 he universal prosperity of the country, with the exception of a few manufacturing districts was unbounded; and it was from the very wantonness of prosperity that most of the wild schemes of the day emanated.

He then enumerated the various acts of govern ment adopted when the North held sway in the councils of the nation they were a bank of the united otaets, the assumption of the Sta debts, protection to manufacturing interests, (1879,) the alien sedition laws, and the quasi war with France. These were the leading results of the i.orll.e rn C-Ul Belp. hicll hue! rwn (luring I Ik- first yriti 'f guietniiieiil. For lire IhM fifty year lh-m mil iiiPjiCMMlrrnie il in lilt- caii)5r-lp if tltt nation, tnirl lie re-li 1 18 wt-rt-: Ihe t-nibirgo restrictions, the wiih Go-mI Itrilain, lire uiertlinov Ihr JUnk ol the United iSlnten. tin- xti'iiM'iii toid FtilitrgemtMit of nrriti-tion to imn.iihiHtirei-, the re eRtiib'iil iiii ii' cT tlii- of the filed St the ,,,) jn-a -K Brvlme of Florida, tin- mimi- itiuii 01 Texas, ivur willi Mexico, ilie in qui-ition nl Cat I'nrnni, iind otlifr tt-rritorifs, irnti clion ni iri il.

by ivr innV. the rrinovnl of the Indians ivi-st ol" the SHisiii, lid th HdmUfioii of fitetii new s. Ju Ihefre events lo northern mid lie ineaiit not lhil tin w. re i tTi e'e'i by either bill by reundei ulinjy of interest in and during the refpet-iive p'-iiods. Ut on review ol illese events, be thought the south h'ul but iillt to prunch I lie north with.

They Inn! snlojHeil ut utiles policies They bad cstahlhed llmik ot the tSiiites. under the tid.iihiistrxtmn of Mr Miidisiiii, ntit! the bill wes reported the oalor from doutli Cuni'itia (Mr. Cull n): me! "be r. Clay) tiad voted lor lli.it bill, a'lbouli in 1816 be hud voted tn tiit down the Hank. Afterwards the south, aided a few from the north, and headed by Gen.

J.teksou, bad iui liOMtlllie iial The south had extended prol'C-lioii to luaiiuf.totiiri-r, ami oftervvaids I rok 11 up ttiat protection, and one loemb.r of the ftoulheni Slates bad Ibreattied a tbs-OlutiOll of the Union ill tier opposition lo thai ptoteclioll. Fi. rida was purchased and slavery "-as allmvpd to exist there. Louisiana was acquired, and over till bertei-ritory that ws valuable, slavery was nov in ex-stenre. 'I he si 11 1 11 pressed the annexation i-f Texas, and she vvas-toilii-tted beilifr slave leiritoiy.

Texas led to the war ilb Mexico; the ar led to the hi qaisitoi of the territories. Aller all this, is il just for 'he utli to gpei.k of dissolution when the tiorlll claims thai only portion of Hie acipnsili.iiis lo the territory of the nation io which she could put forth a i-laim, should be frei Will ifisiiuLui be any remedy for evils of which the snath complains? The exclusion ut vlaverv Irom tie tcrri'orie. the abolition of staver in this Disli.ct. and the refusal to surrender fujjii.ve slaves, are the ui-ounils 11 pun hicll the d.ssolut on of the Uuieit is to d. pend If Ihe Union he disolvd can shivery be carried mio lie 0 rritur ei-? It cannot.

ahohsln in this District. dissolution of the Union restore slave to the D.sliici? It nil! Wi uhl ibrre he any heil-r 01 r--eapturitir your luiriliie sluves alter a dissolution ol the Ceruinl) not. After a dissolution, all redre is at an end. Will ibe south be more secure in th ir slavt-s within tbeirown Sialep after the dissolution than they arenou? Then the staves ill find that their escape will be far easier Ha denied 'he rurhl of any one or more Slates lo secede. Union was to ha fireverand all posterity.

Dissolution of the U-iuin and w-r were his-eparable. To dissolve Ihe Union there utust be a consent yiveii nr ao 1 11 ut war. That cunseut would not be given, and war was the only mode left. Kven if ibe consent could be obtained, in less than sixty das there must he a war between the Slaves ill etc ipe from Ken-ucky across Ibe river into free the) will be 010--u. it, lie- 1 U'-siisis will le repulsed, and then mines a iir: and 111 less than sixty days the whole country will be in lh- blze ut war.

Ill case ul a dlsso titiotl of tlie Uil'ou tbe.e miisl l'i-ihrce einpeacn the northern tree feil-ile lb- rn Atlantic Mates, am! lb confederacy tiie ereai Mississippi valley. '1 hose who i.t Ihe bead waters anil tributaries of thai river will icrver consent thai tiie mouth of that river shall ever he held by a foreign ower. There tvjll he other divisions: lull the tlatk veil which overhangs ibe future is too thick to be penetrated oy mortal eyes. The impressive conclusion of Mr. Clay's we give ill exteusa from the full report of the National In telliifeiicer.

Mr. President, I am rlirect'y opposed to any purpose of sec-ssiou or separation. am for sta ing nitbiii ihe Union and d-fiiifr any portion ol this confederacy lo expel me or drive me mil Ilie Uiiou. I am lor slajiny u-itbitl the Union and fiahtiiig f.r iny rights, if art essan wiili the --woid. within the bounds and under Ibe guard ol the Union I am lor vimlicaliii(r those rghls, mil by beiiiff driven out of the Union harshly and unceremoniously by any portion of this confederacy.

Here am within it, and here 1 mean to stand and die, as far as my inriit idual wishes or purposes can go wilhiti it to protect my properly and defend mysell, defj iug all the power on earth to expel me or drive in- from the situation in which I am placed. And would there not be more snfcU in fighting within Ibe Union than out of it? Suppose our rights to be violated, suppose wrong lo be done tun, aggressions lo be perpetrated Upon yen, cannot you lietier vindicate them if 011 have occasion to rt-sorl to the last tieeessi Ihe suord, fur a restoration ol those rights and ith the sv'ualhies of a lar'e portion of the population of Ihe Union, ibati by being without ihe Union, when a large portion of th- imputation le inpatlues adver-e lo uurowu? can vindicate your tights within the Union better than if expelled Irom the Union, and diiveu from it without ceremony and ithoul authority. Sir, 1 have said that I thought there was no rirht on the part of one or more Slates to seced- from Ihe I think so. The constitution of Ihe United Stales was made not merely for Ibe generation that theu existed, hut for posterity. And every Slle thai then came into Ihe Union, have since come into il bindiugilsell by indis.

soiuhle b-illds to remain within the Union itsell, anil lo remain ni'hin it by i's posterity forever Like another of the sacred connexions in private bfe. it is a marr r-ge which no human authority can d'ssolve or divorce the parties from. And if I may be allow-d to refer to some examples in private life, let me suv to the north and to Ihe south, what husband and wife say to each other. We have mn'nsl faults, neither of 111 is perfect: nothing in Ihe form of humanity is perfect, let us, then, be kind lo each oiber-forbearing, forgiving each other's faults and, above alt, let us live in happiness and peace, together. Mr.

President, I have said what I solemnly believe, that dissolution of ibe Utiiotr and war are irh-ntic il and inevitable; thai lliey are convertible Irrnisi and such uj "ar as it would be following a dissolution of the Union! Sir. we uta seatcb the pages of 11 storv. and noi.e ferocious, so lib'ocy. so iiiiplaeab'e so exterminating not even Ihe wars ot Greece, including Ihe Commoners of England and Ihe revolutions of France none, lion of them all uollldrage with such violence, or be characterized with such bloodshed and enormities as would Ihe war which must succeed, if that event ever happens, the dissolution of Ihe Union. And what would be its ter niination? Standing armies and navies.

an extent stretching the revenues of each portion of the dissevered members, would take place. An exterminating war would follow not, sir, a war of two or three years' duration, but a wurof interminable duration and exlerinina- ting wars would ensue, until afier the struggles and ex -linlistinii of both parlies, some Philip or Alexander, some Cesar or Napoleon, would arise and cut ihe Gor-dion knot, and solve the problem of the rapacity of man for Bull government, and crush the liberties of both the several portions of this common empire. Can you donbl il? Look at all history consult her pages ancient, or modern look at human nature: lot-It at the character of the. contest in which vou would be etig-aged, -in Uie snoposi-tion of war following npon the dissolution of ibe Union, such as I hate suggest and I ask you if it is possible for you lo doubt that the final disposition of the whole Aouhl be some despot trading down the liberties of ihe people the fiuul result would lie the extinction of this last and glorious light which is leading all mankind, who are gazing upon it. in the hope am! anxious expectation thnt the lib-rly which pre'vails here will sooner or later be discussed thrnughtm ibe civilized world.

Sir, can you lightly contemplate these consequences? Can you yield yourself the of passion, amidst dangers which I liav- de inter! in colors far loo ta-ne. of what Ihe resull wt ti'd be if that direful event lo which I have re-fe-red slu uM occur? Sir, I implore gentlemen, Hljur-tliem, whether from the south or Ihe north, by all lhal they hold dear in this wor)d-hy all their love of librty by all their veneration for their ancestors bv all their regard fr pn speriiey by ul! Iheirpraiiindeto Him who has bestowed on them such and countless blessings by all ibe duties which ihey owe to mankind and by all Ibe duties which they owe lo themselves, lo pause, solemnly to pause at the edge of the precipice, before ibe learfi and dangerous leap is taken into the yawning abyss below. Irom which none whoever lake il shall return in safely Filially. Mr. President, and in conclusion, I implore, aslhe bsl blessing a hteh Heaven can beslow-tipon upon earth, thai if the rfiiehil and sad event of ihe dissolution of this Union is to happen, that I shall not survive lo behold the sad nnd heart-rending On motion, the Senate adjourned.

THE FREEMAN: FREMONT, OHIO. J. S. FOIKE, Editor. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1850.

Xoticc Estrcci-jKKriT" The readers of the Freeman will. doubt, gratified in lenrn that it is the iitM.t;.rn of Ihe pulilishrr to Serge it, at theclose of ihe present so that it will compare favorably with any w-eMv paper published in ihe Slate. No pains or expense will he spared to make the Freeman one of Ihe best in the Kspnially sha'I il be our aim lo adapt it to the wants of lh citizens of SviiuhisUy nnd adjoining coun'ics. so thnt they may not be under Ihe necessity ol deiii'Tal with the n'lhy publications or the E-Stcrn ON 1H1LI.4B A YKA1. While our readers may he gral fieti with the promises made ab ve, Iherj.

is another feature after mature dlib ra'ion, have deleriiind lo wb cli we hte AL.I. SUM- SCRT1ION VOXKYS MUST INVARIABLY BE PAIUIN AIjVANCE. Th-losses and iiicurveuien ces a1t-uliuir th- pnMica'i of newspapers on credit are 1-. I -n greit, thai the pi in is already ahandondd to a considerable, and nn-rht to be conn-letcly so by Ihe newspaper press." It is a little malt-r f-r each snbscriber to pay in advance for bis newspaper: hut a publisher who trnels in small Minis over several ci uo'ies. is at great expei se-iu tr tot-m, and in maov inst-oiees be fails entirely lo obtain anj remuneration fir bis paper.

Accordinoly no man v. i'l be considered a puoscriber lo ihe Fr-emaii. after present subsc-iiition exoiree, who has not paid the SMWriptinn iri To enable i v- rv man in tins e.iui the adi-nning counties to suoscrioe 1 fr the pn r. we ff-r ii at ihe f.ilowing terms: I To siuule mail ubaetibers, one year, at $1 To h- I'f'-n and ml wards, lo one address I 2 fi i-eu 25 Town ni'iM-rihers will be cbarped $1 75. Thed tT-r-eneein Ihe t-rm b.

ficen the price 011 papers delivered in town and in s. tent l-y mail, is occasioned by ibe ex-pens of carryintj. We irn1 the Wh'-gs if and ighborng counties, wi lend their aid and 11 fluence in procorinu stihcril'ets for tb- Fr- man. It will continue a heretofore, lo al'encirte ihe prilicitiles of the Whigr party, and leli'1 its il flu--iiee lt advance th- iiires' of our Cf.ioncn m.trv. I.i il us at peali-e 10 the Wi-igs.

wo Ho not Il our friend l-i supoose that we wn'd i'-t to r-ce vii. 'be dolb.r arid a half front them. On ihe c'-ufraiv we tie to send them our paper, and it t-bail be our conslan aim to hem-fit them, sir! if possible, c-invince them of the "error of iheir ways." Whig State Convert iosi. The Whig State Central Committee have issued Ihe following call: TO THE WfllGS OF OHIO. In accordance witli the almost nn-'ti'tunns sentiment sod idv'o of prnni'neo't Whips from diff-rent sections of Oh' the Whirr Stale mmittee have fixed upon Mondav.

the fi'h Hv of May next, the tnosl convenient time, -oid I'" olace for holding- a Convention ol" of Whigs of Ohio, for the purpose of to'imitatine- cai-d -le for Ihe office of O-'verit'-r, and trans tcling such t'ler business a may come before the RipfiwiT Eoi ish. It .1 fiH, W. Dr.sstsos, Jr. Columbus, F. brn rv I.

IH5H. j3" Times of holding the Courts of Common Pleas in the 1 3th Judicial Circuit of Ohio for 1 850 Erie, February 18: May 20; Oct 7. HrjRoy, March 11; June Sept 16. Sandusky, March 25; June 17; Oct. 21.

Wood, April 1 October 28. Lucas, April June 24; Nov. I. Ottawa, May Sept 10. gT" We have two communications on hand, one from M.

in reply to U. S. and J. and the other in relation to the subject of slavery. Both are crowded out of the Freeman of to day, but shall appear next week.

The Legislature seems to have gone earn estly to work, and are dispatching business as fast as circumstances will nermit. A lame amount of local laws are being passed. Among others, we notice a bill chartering the Sandusky and Port Clinton Plank Road company also tiie Sulphur Springs Plank Road company, in this count'. The appropriation bill has passed the Senate, and the Convention bill the House. Both bills are probably laws by this time.

o- jt3T Two of the California adventurers, Messrs. Isaac Sharp and Robert H. Caldwell, who left this place some time in March last, arrived here on Thursday evening last We have not learned whether they brought home "their pockets full of mcks" or not but have no doubt of one fact, that they are thoroughly convinced that "California no place for them." Messrs. John A. Johnson and J.

W. Stevenson are expected home every day. Mr. Clay's Speech. We publish this week to the exclusion of almost all other matter, in a condensed form, Mr.

Clay's speech in the Senate, upon his compromise resolutions. We are sorry that our columns will not permit its publication At length, as the eloquance of the style, and the foree of the argument is much marred by the clvunge; but enough is yet left to well repay the reader, for giving it a perusal "We have seldom seen speech so replete with eloquence, argument, and firm devotion to the Union as is exhibited in this last one of the great statesman; and whatever difference ofopiniontber; may be to the practicability of adopting his measures, all will, we think, concede to him an honesty of purpose, and a sincere desire to allay the angry and fearful excitement which is now exhibited by the two conflicting portions of our Government on the vexed question of slavery an excitement which, if not calmed by concessions and compromizes bids fair to rend in twain this glorious Union cemented together by the patriotism and blood, of our fathers, upon an hundred battle-fields. Mr. Clay, 'born within a few months of the Declaration of Independence an ettrly orphan nnr- tured in the school of adversity educated in a log --j cabin the champion of his country's rights in 1808 again presiding in Congress in the memorable 1812 regulating, "with other leading spirits, the terms on which a long-agiiated world might enjoy the blessings of peace, in 1814 occupyfng the highest post in the Union, save'that of Presi-' dent, in 1820 disarming Nullification of its sting in 1832-3 he stands up, itK 1850, when cp-proaching the last seven years that lead to fotu score, vigorous and clear-headed as and by his unrivalled eloquence, powerful argument, and patriotic devotion to the hind that gave him birth, is ajrain endeavoring-to save it from thqvdangers which now threaten it from the unwise nnd unpatriotic counsels of the hot-headed disunionists both of the North and the South. As yet, Mr.

Clay's plan of adjusting the Slavery question, meets with no favor at least not openly from either the or the South. Some eight or ten Southern Senators, principally Loeo-focos, have spoken in opposition to his resolutions, disapproving them in r.eaily every respect, especially those portions which admU the constitutional power of Congress to abolish slavery and the slave-traiie in the District of Columbia, and the power to introduce or prohibit slavery hvour new territories and the very fact that Mr. Clay's resolutions meet with so little favor from either portion of the Union, poves conclusively that he has taken the most' fiir and correct position that the circumstances of the case would permit and, wb think, after a full, fair, and impartial investigation of rj tiat a. compromise is oji Ij In wtt.ittw nlrt th.it 1 "I'lV'CI necessary to settle the matter, nnd that Mr. Clay's resolutions point out thz mode.

But if the south adhere to their determination not to settle the matter only in tho mole they mnysqp fit in their wisdom to propose; if they are determined not to recognize the undeniable truths laid down in the resolutions of Mr. Clay, that Congress to polish slavery 'in the District of Columbia that the slave-trade ought to be ahol- islied within th District that the power rests with congress IO oiiner numii or protiiou slavery wiiuin the territories; we say, if Southern lerrislators refuse to recognize these solemn truths, then an end should at once be put to all compromise; the North should then pass the Proviso, and iftheSonth shoul I still adhere to its professed determina tinn to secede from tho.Union; to rend in twain preat and glorious fabric of Freedom why, let it do it -md God protect the right. But we hope wiser councils will prevail than are exhibited bv the Calhouns, Footos, Davises. Cling-- '1 mans, Toombs, nnd that a majority of the the South, as well as of the North, may truly ap-preciatf the inestimable value of the Union of the these States, one and inseparable, now and ever; and that a true spirit of concession may bo manifested on the part of all true friends of the i Union, and that Congress may, in its wisdom, adopt conciliatory measures, that nil portions of the Gov'- ernrnent may again be harmonized, and all act for the general good. Then may this Government stand for ages, a warning to tyrants, and a guiding star to the oppressed of every nation, lending the hope to all patriots that their Governments may yet be like ours.

gjf The Cincinnati Enquirer, a Locofoco pa- per, pays the following honest tribute to Mr. Clay, for the stand he has taken against the extension of slavery. Would that other Locofoco papers were as honest: "Our readers, by reference to Mr. Clay's re- marks, in reply to Mason, of Virginia, and Davis, of Mississippi, will be gratified at the positive an. notincement of the Kentucky that "there exhisted no human power that could force him to vote for a measure to carry the institution of sht- verv into any territory now free, whether that ter- ritory was North or South of 36 deg.

3(5 min." Thnt is a elortous declaration, and we honor Mr, -Clay for it." -o 3T Mr. Butler, a Locofoco from South Carolina, made some remarks in the Senate a few days since, as true as they were unexpected. In speaking on the slavery question, he acknowledged, nbat the discord and distraction now prevailing npon -the question, grew out of the result of the 'war with Mexico, but he felt it due to himself to say, that while he advocated the war, and voted for supplies in the first instance, that from the time it became" a war of invasion, he was the only gentleman on his side of the chamber, who opposed the acquisition of a new territory as a fruit of the war. He foresaw that such acquisition would prove an apple of discord, as it had proved." gZW Secretary Clayton and Mr. Bui wer, the British Minister, have concluded a treaty in relation to the Nicaragua and the Musquito coast difficulty, which fully settles that affair.

1.