The Philadelphia Inquirer from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania • Page 30

6-B Sunday, Nov. 3, 1974 Philadelphia Inquirer Fringe-Party Candidates Dream of Beating the Odds wisdom testify little chance of winning. They also share a conviction common to underdog candidates in the last week of a campaign: They think they might confound the pundits this time. "I wouldn't be surprised if I did win," Salera said. "We're not a third party anymore.

There's only Rockefeller or us." Sondra Petrinos, 33, a Communist, said that she gets assurances from some other campaign volunteers that she can win the 198th District state House seat held by Democrat Robert cans ain't going to do it." Local community control, particularly of police, is the key to their platform of eliminating banditry," ending "police murder and abuse," -and establishing "black revolutionary political power," the three said. Although the three are on the ballots in their respective legal challenges to Ms. Turner's and Sparks'' filing petitions are pending. The challenges may be moot after Tuesday. Nobody has computed the chances of a third-party candidate winning a Philadelphia election, but they are undoubtedly close to zero.

By CHAPIN DAY Inmirer Stall Writer Pedestrians scurrying along in the late afternoon rush at 12th and Market Streets last Wednesday were offered two kinds of salvation. On the northeast corner, an impeccably dressed preacher was offering salvation from sin. Raising his voice against the traffic's din, he read, "For God so loved the world On the southeast corner, a modishly dressed Bernie Sal-era was offering salvation from Nelson Rockefeller. His rhetoric against Rockefeller's "facist machine" and for the that process in an interview last week at their West Columbia Avenue headquarters. The three, members of the Malcolm Party, are run- ning for state House seats held by incumbent Democrats in the 181st, 197th, and 195th districts respectively, about," Sparks said, "was that black people, just like white people, have a right to self-determination." When he approaches Malcolm was all tial voters, Sparks said, "I try to get them to understand that if they don't like the, way things are, its them that's going to change it.

The Democrats or the Republi Even if it does not happen on Tuesday, she said, "We think the time is rapidly approaching when it will be possible to elect a Communist." Ms. Petrinos, who has been, the party's district organizer in southeast Pennsylvania for eight years, said that recent years have yielded a "mass cynicism" with traditional politics that opens opportunities for third parties. She and the other maverick candidates depend heavily on a door-to-door canvassing, street rallies, posters and fliers to get their message across. "They (voters) take our lit- Lewis Fights Uphill Battle In Effort to Unseat Shapp Schweiker Gets Aid of Dr. Allen And Rev.

Sullivan ukm v' lb 1 vr 'fit i 1 1 V. ss-Fj'i -f I 1 LEWIS, From 1-B and faced with a strong opponent who has made shrewd use of his incumbency to build his vote-getting power, Lewis has centered his campaign, on attacking Shapp's integrity. The incident most often cited by Lewis as an example of Shapp's tolerance of corruption among his "politi--cal cronies" is that of cabinet member Frank Hilton, whom Shapp fired following revelations that indicated Hilton had taken a bribe in connection with a state contract. The Hilton affair was the most notable achievement of a Republican-controlled legislative investigating committee that, through four months of well-publicized public hearings, sought to prove or imply that Shapp himself was corrupt. Last-Minute Blitzes A last-minute media advertising blitz by Lewis has carefully sought to reinforce the view that Shapp at least was soft on corruption.

However, many political observers felt that the effect of the storm of charges was blunted by the governor's luntary, televised, three-day appearance before the committee. Shapp is generally regarded as having successfully portrayed the hearings as a political witchhunt. Moreover, Shapp forces countercharged that Lewis had accepted contributions from wealthy Republicans, under a set-up that made it difficult to identify the donors, and that Lewis had not fully explained an alleged lien against his home by the IRS for failure to pay income taxes. By EWART ROUSE and WENDELL RAWLS Inquirer Staff Writers Soul music blares from a loudspeaker on a parked van draped with American flags and carrying a large sign: "Let's Work, For Senator Schweiker." Farther down the street, the candidate himself, U. S.

Sen. Richard S. Schweiker, is shaking hands near a theater showing the movies "Cotton Comes To Harlem," and "The Spook Who Sat At The Door." The soul music stops, and City Councilman Ethel Allen takes over at the microphone. "You're going to vote for Schweiker, aren't you?" she inquiries of a shopper. The shopper says yes, and Dr.

Allen cries, "Right on, sister!" This was the scene at 52d and Chestnut streets in West Philadelphia Saturday as Schweiker, buoyed by an independent poll showing that black voters preferred him over his Democratic senatorial challenger, campaigned in predominantly black Philadelphia neghborhoods. Across the state, Schweiker's opponent, Pittsburgh Mayor Peter Flaherty, was in his home town, winning the praises but not the endorsement of an ironworker named Mike Stevens. "He is the best mayor this city has had in my lifetime," Stevens said while Flaherty spoke to 1,200 members of the Boilermakers Union, almost all of whom gave' the mayor a standing ovation. "And I'm not going to vote for him because I don't want him to leave," he said. Stev ernor, lieutenant governor, and senator, voters will be able to choose among Republicans, Democrats and candidates from the ultra-conservative Constitutional Party and the left-wing Socialist tabor Party.

In Philadelphia, third-party candidates include a Communist, three members of the Malcolm Party, and Salera. The five local mavericks offer a rich variety of to the shortcomings of the major parties, but they share common problems; Little money, little staffs, little publicity and history and the conventional political. transit, property tax relief and activity centers. The so-called morality issues abortion control and the death penalty have not been hotly debated because Shapp and Lewis are not far apart in their positions. Mutual Target Shapp has vowed to fire Public Utility Commission Chairman George Bloom, a Republican, but Lewis has also promised to replace the unpopular Bloom when his term expires next year.

Lewis has also promised to decentralize state government, particularly the Education Department, which he says has been meddling too much in local school board affairs. A Lewis victory next Tuesday would be regarded as a major upset for several reasons. Perhaps the most significant is that during Shapp's term, the Democratic Party has boosted its state-wide registration edge to a startling 406,000 potential votes. Moreover, the largest increases came in Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, where substantial margins for Shapp would easily cinch the vic: tory. In 1970, for instance, Shapp carried Philadelphia by 000 votes, and the Democratic registration edge has been increased by 152,000, giving Shapp strategists hopes of winning the city by 200,000 votes or more.

Apathy Factor The predicted low turnout because of apathy would be expected to help Shapp and hurt Lewis, because of the Democratic Party's emphasis on election-day organization to turn out the vote. Lewis, however, hopes to offset Shapp's anticipated margin in Philadelphia by a strong showing in the Republican-dominated suburban counties of Bucks, Montgomery, Chester and Delaware. Lewis has Concentrated also on traditional Republican farm and rural constituents in central Pennsylvania, and needs to win the so-called "anti-Shapp" Democrats who were alienated by the governor's liberal stands on abortion and capital punishment. Says Lewis: "From the city line of Pittsburgh and to the city line of Philadelphia, I'm going to be governor. The big -question is whether there are enough voters who will come out in those areas to offset Pittsburgh and Philadelphia." Both candidates have raised and spent more than $1.

million. Both are from Montgomery County and both are effective, indefatigable campaigners; Lewis, meticulous, punctual, smooth though slightly stiff, and Shapp, touseled, shirt sleeved, low-keyed and slightly Claire Schweiker talks to people to help her husband's campaign Joyless Republicans Focus On Schweiker's Chances U. S. Labor party seemed to be attracting few converts Preachers, as everyone knows, are men of all seasons. Fringe candidates like Bernie Salera, on the other hand, flourish briefly just before election time and then tend to disappear until the next election, if not forever.

Salera, an unemployed former city social worker, is challenging incumbent Rep. William A. Barrett, a Democrat, in South Philadelphia's first district. He is among a handful, of third-party candidates whose names will appear on city ballots Tuesday. In statewide races for gov Lewis called thg.

lien a mistake, but Shapp's 11-hour advertising' blitz continued to exploit the issue. Promises Savings However, Lewis also has developed other substantive themes, the most dominant of which is that the cost of state government, under Shapp, has soared because of wasteful "big spending." If elected, Lewis says, he will trim the welfare rolls, reform waste in the "liquor control, board and slash costs in the sprawling state transportation department. He also says he would step up funds for mass transit, increase scholarship aid for middle-income students, and strengthen conflict-of-interest regulations in his administration. Shapp has been running increasingly "on my record." He stresses that he inherited a bankrupt government from the previous governor, "bit the bullet" by passing a state income tax and put the state back in the black. Now, he says, he has begun cutting the personal income tax (from 2.3 percent to 2 percent) and the corpo rate income tax (from 12.5 to 11 percent) to help citizens withstand inflation and to lure industry and jobs back into the commonwealth.

Countering Lewis' charge of big spending, Shapp says that the Republican platform would cost $400 million more a year than the current budget, and would bankrupt the state. Shapp also emphasizes his achievements for the state's 500,000 elderly voters: free McEwen for the county's congressional seat, and even GOP leaders predict that the race will be much closer than is usual for a Republi-can candidate. Montgomery County Democrats believe that they have a good chance of winning at least two and possibly five state House acknowledge, though, that victory in their two state Senate races and one congressional race will be more difficult. In Bucks County, the most Democratic suburban county, Republican Party leader Harry Fawks said, "They're all going to be close." Dem-. ocrats hope to win two state House seats to add to the two that they have.

Chester County, according to officials of both parties, looks the least promising for Democrats. Lawyers CAMPISI, From 1-B from three to six months, one defense attorney said that he "wouldn't be surprised if we're all still here next September." The "We" includes -not onIy the jury, attorneys, judge, spectators and the press, but eight Campisis, an alleged associate of theirs, Aurelio Cagne, and a small group of wives and mothers who sit in a small room near the judge's chambers every day to support each other and make coffee for the defense attorneys. The Campisis are a family in the traditional sense. There is Anthony, with his sons, Car-ftien and Peter An erature now," Ms. Petrinos said.

"Whether that means they'll pull the lever, we'll know better next week." -For all the- third parties, victory would be sweet, but other rewards can come from just making the race. For one thing, if a party can garner enough votes, it can qualify for a spot on the next ballot without. drudgery of filing For another, a campaign provides a -forum for getting ideas before the public the "education process," Ms. Petrinos called it. Celia Turner, 24, Lewis Sparks, 28, and Herbert Hawkins, 25, spoke frequently of Associated Press suggestions for expanding it are similar.

Both oppose the 5 percent surtax President Ford is pushing. Both say they oppose inflationary government spending. Both favor tax reform especially to close loopholes for the oil industry and big corporations. Both talk of beefing up antitrust laws and breaking up monopolies. Flaherty has tried to tag Schweiker with being a big deficit spender.

Schweiker has countered with a long list of votes cast in the other direction: against the SST, the ABM, the Lockheed C-5A loan, and for cutting more than $10 billion from the current federal budget, for every bill to end the Vietnam war, and for cutting $5 billion out of the Pentagon's budget this year. Flaherty has made great political capital of having cut taxes in Pittsburgh by excising the fat from the city payroll and making administrative innovations, and he implies he could do the same on a national scale. Schweiker contends that the money Flaherty lost by cutting the city wage tax he got bapk through federal revenue sharing, a program Schweiker voted for. The sen- ator also says the mayor, while still a city councilman and mayoelect, voted to raise taxes he later cut as mayor. Flaherty opposes public financing of political campaigns, but favors putting a ceiling on spending.

Schweiker favors public financing. Both men claim to be maverick'sFlaherty because of his habit of getting elected without' the support of big labor, big business or the press; Schweiker because he was outspoken Nixon critic, a member of White House enemies list, the possessor of the Senate's most bipartisan voting record. The purported gut issues-abortion and capital punishment have hardly been mentioned in the campaign, probably because the candidates are in fundamental agreement on them. Both oppose abortion on demand and both favor capital punishment for specified crimes. They also have a lot in common personally.

Both are tall, trim and attractive. They are about the same age (Schweiker 48, Flaherty 49). They have five crildren each, and have personable, pleasanvives. Convict Is Symbol Of Ward Voting Democrats Keep Pushing Suburbs ens, 5fi, said he would not vote for Schweiker either, since he certainly could not bring himself to vote against his man Pete Flaherty. In his speech to the Boilermakers and an earlier address to' 1,300 volunteer women in the multiple sclerosis campaign, Flaherty attacked the Republican handling of the economy.

He made the same charges in 26 interviews he taped for radio Saturday and in two more for television. While the boilermakers were praising Flaherty, Schweiker 1 was getting the ringing endorsement of black leader? Rev. Leon Sullivan and Dr. Allen as he cruised in i iK-car motorcade through -neighborhoods in North and West Philadelphia and Germantown. "This is a real shot in the ann.

ft means a lot coming from you," Schweiker told Mr. who greeted him at Progress Plaza, Broad and Oxford at. tire start of the motorcade. Mr. Sullivan, founder of Opportunities Industrialization Center, a manpower training- organization, said his sole purpose in organizing the motorcade was to "get the black vote out" for Schweiker, who he said had "stood up for blacks and whites" when other legislators were insensitive to minority concerns.

Flanked; by his wife, Claire, and Dr. Allen, Schweiker waved from the back seat of the open-top Pontiac lead car to startled residents and shoppers along the motorcade route. Many waved back. is a lifelong friend of State Rep. Michael (Ozzie) Myers 184th District).

The .38 caliber revolver used to kill Simmons 'had belonged to Myers. Myers testified at Sullivan's trial in Media that the revolver had been accidentally left in Sullivan's car. Myers sa'id he had borrowed -the car' for a weekend trip to an upstate hunting lodge. Sullivan said he was unaware of the gun's presence until he was driving to work in Chester. Later the same day Sullivan, a member of Operating Engineers Local 542, became involved in a quarrel with Simmons, a non-union worker, and shot him to death.

After jury convicted Sullivan in April 1972, he was granted a new trial by Judge Edwin E. Lippincott on the grounds that Assistant District Attorney John A. Reilly prejudiced Sullivan's trial by calling "him "a real killer" during summation to the jury. Sullivan, however, dropped the appeal for a new trial and began serving a one-and--half to three-year sentence June 1, 1973. He was paroled and discharged Jan.

25, 1974. He also had been given credit for 10 months and' seven days he had served while awaiting trial. He is on probation until June 1975. He has been arrested 16 times, but charges have been dropped in all cases except three the killing of Simmons; an illegal lottery charge in 1963, for which he received a $100 fine year's 'probation, and a charge of assault with intent to kill in 1964, for which he received a suspended sentence, SENATE, From 1-B crossover offset the Democratic voter registration edge in the state. Will the predicted low voter turnout hurt Schweiker as much as it is expected to hurt Republicans in other states? Will the beleaguered big-city Democratic machines, particularly the one in Philadelphia, be willing or able to turn out sizable margins for Flaherty? Will Flaherty's penchant for low-budget, campaigning which served him well through two mayoral elections in Pittsburgh translate satisfactorily to a statewide race? Will Schweiker's incumbency be an advantage or a liability in this politically restive year? Nancy Flaherty at her major charges are: That the nine defendants planned and carried out the murders of five people, four of them either rivals or disloyal associates of the Campisis.

The fifth was scheduled to testify against two "family" members in an armed robbery case. That eight of the defendants carried out approximately 100 armed robberies to get money to finance illegal gambling enterprises. That eight of the defendants ran illegal dice games. That seven of the defendants imported and distributed heroin and cocaine. That all nine defendants conspired to run illegal Will rank-and-file labor go along with the state AFL-CIO's endorsement of Schweiker, thus cutting into a natural blue-collar constituency Flaherty might be expected to attract? The issues in the race, such as they are, have not come in for much substantive discussion, serving instead as focal points for charges and rebuttals.

Most have centered on inflation and on such peripheral money issues' as campaign spending reform. Inflation has really been more of a topic than an issue since "issue" implies some disagreement on the part of the candidates. Needless to say, neither has risen in defense of the shrinking dollar, and many of their Associated Press husband's headquarters of Saxbe teries and bookmaking operations, as well as, to carry out three additional murders that did not occur. That all nine defendants conspired to bribe and threaten trial jurors and to destroy and conceal evidence in other cases. These are not the only charges in the 19-page indictment, handed down last November.

At that time, state officials described the Cam-pisi operation as "bigger than Murder, They also said that the pattern of murders indicated competition between rival underworld factions in North Jersey. EX-CONVICT From 1-B quirer to withhold their identities, say they have never been contacted by investigators since the election board hearing. And the Committee of Sev: enty, the election-monitoring group in Philadelphia, says the board erred in allowing Sullivan and his wife, Margaret, to take the 5th Amendment. Tyler Wren, an attorney for the committee, cited the State Constitution, which "In trials of contested elections and in proceedings for the investigation of election, no person shall be permitted to withhold his testimony upon the ground' that it may incriminate himself or subject him to public infamy." Running for judge of elections requires only 10 signa- tures on a nominating position. It is not usually a highly sought office except anwntj party rpcmlars, and frequently, as in Sullivan's case, only one person is nominated by each major party.

Although Sullivan, a Democrat, was. in prison when he defeated Republican Joseph Jennings by a vote of 146 to 64 last November, his election was legal. Nothing in the State Election Code prevents a convict or ex-convict from running for that office. When Sullivan's name was first placed on the ballot in May 1973 primary, he was free on bail, awaiting a new trial after being convicted of voluntary manslaughter and a firearms violation in connection with the killing of Wendell Simmons, a construction worker at the Tidewater Marine Terminal in Chester on Dec. 8, 1970.

Sullivan comes from a politically active fg-mily and also SUBURBS, From 1-B County Republican said of state House races in his area. A county Democrat predicted, however that at least two will go Democratic. The reasons for Democratic confidence, especially in state House races, involve developments both on the local and national level. In Montgomery County, for example, 45 percent of the new voters registered as Democrats. Before the registration period, only 29 percent of all Montgomery County voters had been registered Democrats.

While the Democratic Party is still far outnumbered in Montgomery County, as elsewhere, the new registration figures indicate that a shift to the Democrats is continuing. Another reason for the shift, party officials say, is the quality of their candidates: Many good Republicans deciineu to run because they feared that Watergate would make their races particularly tough this year. Watergate itself might cost suburban Republican candidates votes, though many Republicans do not think the national scandals will translate into local defeats. "Both Parties have had their share of scandals," said one Bucks County Republican. "Gov.

(Milton Shapp has had his. People (of both parties) are just going to stay home if anything." On a county-by-county basis, Democrats hope to win at least three more state House seats in Delaware County, while holding on to the seat of Ted Doyle. Democrat Robert W. Edgar is in an increasingly close race Republican Stephen J. Hint at Subpoena thony.

There are Biaggie and his son, Peter Charles. There are Peter Salvators, Peter Richard and Thomas Peter, all nephews of Anthony and Biaggio. They and Cagne are being held in Burlington Courty jail, a squat brick building just across the parking lot from the courthouse. During the next three or six or 10 months, the state will try to prove that they are a family in the gangland sense. The prosecutors will present dozens, perhaps hundreds of witnesses, in an attempt to corroborate the charges outlined in the state grand jury indictment.

The.