The Philadelphia Inquirer from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania • Page 116

Rizzo: The Issue Is His Explosive Personality JtL killings continue at the same high level of about 40 a year). The Youth Services Commission has produced nothing much since its creation in 1973. It was not until the last year of Riz-zo's four-year term that the city came up with its first new gang program crisis teams to head off street fights but that was criticized as a narrow-gauge, short-range band-aid and its budget was cut in half by the Governor's Justice Commission. Rizzo says the Police Department roots out brutality among its officers, but a recent Inquirer series concluded that brutality cases are inadequately investigated and that police brutality is sometimes condoned. The mayor has been criticized, too, for using the police to arrest Independence Mall demonstrators on insufficient charges, for spying on political enemies and for compiling questionable data to attack "lenient" judges.

In 1973, the voters rejected Rizzo's call I) throw out four judges two blacks and two women for "mollycoddling" criminals. No progress has been made on a badly needed new courthouse or a replacement for antiquated Holmesburg Prison, although 17 judges on three courts agreed that locking anyone up there amounted to "cruel and unusual" punishment banned by the (J. S. Constitution. Three years have passed since the first group of judges said that.

For reasons that are unexplained but raise political questions, Rizzo has not condemned as many policemen do the questionable deals made by the district attorney's office to reduce sentences in first-degree murder cases. CITY SERVICES: the most visible services police and fire departments, for example have been favored at budget time, but job freezes dence" against them. But his police squad was unable to prove anything. On the other hand, the Pennsylvania Crime Commission reported that corruption in the Philadelphia Police Department was "systematic" and "widespread." And last month a grand jury, based on testimony from seven architects, indicted Hillel Levinson the highest-ranking official in Rizzo's cabinet on 35 criminal charges. Levinson was accused of illegally rewarding architects and engineers with city contracts when they made large political contributions.

HOUSING AND DEVELOPMENT: An infusion of Bicentennial, revenue-sharing and other federal funds is producing a burst of activity. Rizzo is justifiably credited with getting the giant Market Street East commercial and transportation project off the drawing boards after years of ambitious rhetoric by others. A pre-prim-ary groundbreaking ceremony for a $.6 million shopping mall occurred last week. Businessmen are delighted at the prospect of a revitalization of those shabby Market Street blocks east of City Hall. Airport expansion, a highspeed line to the airport, Penn's Landing and the Chestnut Street Mall are other significant projects being pushed along.

Although many businessmen soured on Rizzo during his volatile period, thev are generally pleased with the efforts of Commerce Director Harry Bel-inner to handle thci problems efficiently and to try to slow the exodus of industries. But again, it wasn't until this year that the city took the offensive to begin luring new businesses and new jobs to Philadelphia in a coordinated way. A slick, three-year $1.5 million national advertising campaign is underway to sell Philadelphia to expansion-minded businessmen. RIZZO, From 1-K sonal holdings of stocks in Pennsylvania corporations a tax he once denounced on grounds that it would drive business out of the city. But campaign hyperbole aside, Rizzo has done about as much as any mayor could in inflationary times to hold taxes down.

His veto of a property tax increase for schools last year was overcome, nevertheless, by a bipartisan coalition of City Council members. Naturally, the Rizzo austerity has carried a heavy price tag surging id ink (the combined city-school defi-t is at least $135 million), some cutbacks in services and attacks on chronic problems that must be put off for some future time. Moak, the only Rizzo cabinet member generally regarded as outstanding, has managed to cut waste, keep City Hall fiscally viable and improved the city's credit rating and earnings on investments. CRIME: Statistics can be mustered to support any view. The Police Department has some that show only a 4.8 percent increase in serious street crimes murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault and burglary from 1971 to 1974.

Rizzo frequently boasts that Philadelphia is the safest of America's 10 largest cities. But last year, the U. S. Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) found Philadelphia's low-crime statistics to be fallacious more misleading than those of other big cities. In Philadelphia, the LEAA survey found, one of every five serious crimes wasn't appearing on police reports.

Rizzo has been unable to deliver on his promises to increase the police force by 2,000 officers (about 300 have been added during his term), or to curb violence by teenage gangs (the His HILL, From 1-K islative quagmire that held it captive for nearly four years. Hill was an advocate of a "strong" no-fault plan, and he frequently irked his colleagues by fighting what he viewed as "crippling amendments" and attempts to "water-down" the legislation. Bottle Bill What some politicians viewed as petty environmental quibbles were seen as serious problems by Hill. He introduced legislation banning non-returnable bottles, supported measures providing stiff penalties for lit-terbugs and co-sponsored regulation aimed at regulating the use of poisonous lead paint in Pennsylvania, One of Hill's more notable environmental achievements was a successful bill designed to protect wildlife. The measure prohibits the sale or manufacture of articles made from the skins or other parts of endangered rare animals or birds.

It set a maximum. $400 fine for violators. Hill has also supported legislation to outlaw the year-round use of studded tires and to set up exclusive bus lanes in Philadelphia. He has supported bills to protect the rights of the mentally ill, to increase unemplyment and workmen's compensation, to regulate abortion referral institutions, and to upgrade the state's welfare system. The senator appears to make a special effort to support measures providing for funding of Philadelphia institutions.

In 1973, he voted to give nearly Beyond the law JfjIlllJe and financial retrenchment have been felt in services with the least political impact. Last year, however, City Council shifted $7 million into what it found to be the most seriously neglected services: health, street-cleaning, the Free' Library, the Museum of Art, recreation and tree-trimming. Recently, it was disclosed that the Philadelphia General Hospital has deteriorated seriously under Rizzo. Generally, the level of many city services especially in the Streets Department have been allowed to go up or down with the manpower subsidies from Washington. When the federal Public Employment Program (PEP) was phased out, causing city layoffs in 1973, the services declined.

City officials insisted that street-cleaning was unimpaired. But it later turned out that they had misled the public regular street-cleaning had been stopped for a full five months. Now that a new Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA) is paying to fill hundreds of city job vacancies, Rizzo says every street is being cleaned every week. PATRONAGE AND FAVORITISM: Disclosure after disclosure during the Rizzo tenure have amply demonstrated that the mayor's promise to "end the gravy train" of political patronage and to rid the city payroll of "drones" has been a hollow mockery. Consider these items: The CETA manpower program had hardly begun this year when pro-Rizzo Democratic committeemen, their relatives and friends began showing up in the new jobs.

An estimated 8,000 men lined up in the rain for a few hundred city laborer's jobs one night last year, in response to a civil service announcement. Unknown to them until later, the job lineup was rigged in favor of administration favorites, political cronies Reflecting a common sentiment about Hill, one political insider said: "He's willing to compromise a little, but only with great reluctance He never compromises on (what he considers) matters of principle." Hill is not regarded as being arrogant or aloof. The description often given him is "inflexible." If so, the "inflexibility" appears to be a matter of personality as opposed to intellect. For example, conservatives would tend to go along with Hill's stand against obscene movies and stands for stiffer penalties for drunken driving and compensation for crime victims. But conservatives might look askance at Hill's position on capita! punishment (he supports it only for killers of police and in other special cases), his sin-port of the U.

S. Supreme Court ruling liberalizing abortion, and his drive to 'egally give "a wide range of rights and responsibilities to persons between 18 and 20." Louis G. Hill, 51, came to Harris-bu-g in 1967 to begin his senatorial duties. Since then, he has become noticed hr rather uncommon occurrence in the Pennsylvania Legislature: At the dose nf enci legislative day, Kill hps a tendency to go home to his wife and kids in Philadelphia. "He went home at night because he felt a responsibility to his family," said one knowledgeable Senate source.

"He felt it was much easier for him to go home at night and stay with his family than it was to run around the bars in Harrisburg You can't fault him for that." BY JOSEPH Tenacity Is Both a Virtue and a FlM i fi i fa I -I fs ray A. iff and family little or nothing have become so commonplace in the last year that headlines yawn "More Jobola" or "More Non-Workers Come to Light in City Hall Jobs." One supervisor was instructed to give a new employe "a desk and a telephone but no assignments." None of these instances has been publicly condemned or even fully explainedby Mayor Rizzo. Rizzo, who once promised to get rid of the city's legal consultants has been steering lucrative "plums" to his friends and their law firms, remarking: "Now you don't expect me to give them to my enemies, do you?" CORRUPTION: Rizzo called his chief enemies, Democratic Chairm.m Peter Camiel and City Council President George X. Schwartz, "corrupt" and said he had "a room full of evi Louis Hill and family and a former U. S.

Marine Corps captain. No one here quite knows why he wants to be mayor; or, if they do know, they aren't really saying. There is speculation that Hill feels he has done as much as he can do and has gone as far as he can go in the Senate. He likes to feel that he can get tilings done, but he is frustrated by the often unnecessarily tortuous leg Weng Frank Rizzo and relatives of labor union officials. The heads of three Rizzo-con-trolled agencies were fired or quit because they contested or resisted Rizzo's patronage pressures.

George Forde charged after he quit as city revenue commissioner that he had told Rizzo about SO employes who weren't doing much work for their $500,000 a year, but the mayor wouldn't let him fire any of them on grounds that they were politically important. Payrolls of the Rizzo-controlled Redevelopment and Housing authorities are being kept secret, making it impossible for outsiders to determine how many of their 2,000 employes are political appointees. These workers recently were exempted from the Hatch Act's prohibitions on political activity. Stories about city employes doing But, the source said, Hill can be faulted for something else. "People (in the Senate) knew of Lou Hill, but they didn't know him," the source said.

"As much as you like to be your own man, it's necessary, sometimes, to be something of a the source added. Hill is a 1944 graduate of Harvard University, a 1949 graduate of the University of Pennsylvania Law School, LA FAUCIpuzzles edited by Will 102 Prefix for plop 103 Man's nick .1 if fZl rrrn SR. th i-t I I jh' 'Ir-'lkiy Iv-IMH name 104 Novel about Ayesha Flaw islative process. He wants to be in control. His chances? Here, it all depends on who you ask.

The pro-Rizzo Democrats say his chances are nil. The anti-Rizzo Democrats believe he has a good shot. But what if he wins? "I'd be inclined to think he's going to be a good mayor," one source said. "He just has to learn to give and take." DAM riejTJeTe fl iGiER A JIHi 'G'Ai TjJ gTJne (III Ti I I '0 RiS aT1 AAj A 1 'O fT GWa)airk) 1 I 'A -t I OiVie Yl St Pi aiRmCJe $8.8 million to institutions in the Philadelphia area. Hill's stumping for votes in Philadelphia has made him conspicuously absent recently in Harrisburg, where he had a 97 percent attendance rate for Senate sessions.

However, according to the most recent History of Senate Bills, Hill is the sponsor of 51 pieces of legislation and the co-sponsor of 33 others. None of Philadelphia's remaining seven state senators has sponsored as many bills. "Hill goes all out to accomplish what he wants to accomplish and he works very hard," a Senate source noted. "But he seems to have never been able to attract popular support," the source added. There appears to be a number of reasons both political and personal for Hill's dilemma.

Supports Phillips Politically, Hill hasn't endeared himself to mony potential and actual campaign backers. On several occasions in the he has voted against the wishes of Philade'phh City Democratic Committee brss Pete Camiel, the man who is backing Hill now. His quest for environmental controls has piqued labor and industry representatives, alike. His proposal that highway user taxes be channelled into mass transit projects has won him few friends in the highway lobby, and his vociferous support of Philadelphia Special Prosecutor Walter M. Phillios Jr.

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