The Spirit of Democracy from Woodsfield, Ohio • Page 1

JUO 33 3HT Jfamflj' t0 foMciS, J0rap 2nO gforatstic jmnj rts atiir gaeitces, (gtocafora, ricnltort, Ulaiteis, mttsemitt, c. VOLUME XXII. WOODSFIELD. MOMOE COUNTY, OHIO. SEPTEMBER 6, 1865.

NUMBER 27. jj I i i 11 i i i i i lyJLJlf JL WXWl LV JL THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY. Published Et-ery Wednesday- TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: Two dollars per annum, if paid in advance: fend two dollars and fifty cents if not paid in ance. No paper will be discontinued, except at the tption of the publisher, until all arrears are paid. JOB Executed with neatness and dispatch at thi office, and at reasonable prices.

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THE LAW OF NEW6PAFERS. 1. Subscribeis who do not give express no tice to (he contrary, are considered as wishing to continue their subscription. 2. If subscribers order the discontinuance of helr newspapers, the publisher may continue to send tbem until all arrearages are paid.

3. If subscribers neglect or refuse to take b.et- papers from the offices to which they are iireoted, they held responsible till they have settled the bill, and ordered them discontinued. 4. If subscribers remove to other places without informing the publishers, and the papers are sent to the former direction, they are held reaponeible. 5.

The courts have decided that refusing to take peridicals from the office, or removing nd leaving them uncalled for, is prima facie evidence of intentional fraud. Professional Cards- DR, J. PIERS0N, Physician Surgeon, HAS appointed by the Commissioner of Pensions to examine applicants for INVALID PENSI ON To those needing his services he will give prompt attention. Give him a call. Office two doors South of Moopey's Store.

ug2ni6. Dr, W. T. Sinclair Having resumed the Practice of Medicine, tenders his Professional services to the citizens of Woodsfield and vicinity. Residence one door north of Drigg's Store.

EDWARD ABiKilOLD, Attorney atLaw.Notary Public AND Military Claim Agent. WOODSFIELD, OHIO. July 5, 1865-y. ttllfftj Attorney at Law, BARNESVILLE, OHIO. WILL promptly attend to all business en.

trusted to his care in Belmont and adjoining Counties. l2tf 1 JAMES R. MORRIS. JOHN 8. WAY MORRIS WAY.

Attorneys Counsellors AT LAW, Woocttfceld, Monroe County, Ohio. H3g Ofnce, over Walton's New Store. Atii 80, 1864. O. AMOB.

LJ- SMUClGS AMOS fc SPBIG, Attorneys and ConnseUors at Law, WOODSFIELD, OHIO. Officb Two doors north of the Drug Store or old Monroe House. April 26, 1865. JACOB T. 10RRILL, Attorney Counsellor at Law AND NOTARY PUBLIC.

Clarington, Monrot, County O. WILL promptly and faithfully attend to business entrusted to his care; Com promise and amicable adjustment always first sought, and litigation used only as the last esort. Oct. 31, "60. WOODSFIELD MARBLE WORKS.

D. Nc uhart Co. WOODSFIELD, OHIO. TB prepared to furnish I TOMB STONES, TABLE TOPS, MANTLES, and every thing else in the marble line. Shop one deor south of Kirkbride's store.

D. NKUHART CO June 18 1860. ly. Harrison Harper's Estate, VTOTICB is hereby given that the subscriber i.1 has Leen appointed and qnalmed as Att ministrator on the estate of Harrison Harper late of Ifonroe County, Ohio, deceased. a.ig2w4.

WILLIAM READ. 0 i i KEVER GIVE IP. Never give up It is wiser and better" Always to hope than to evince despair And brake the spell of tyranical Care. Fling off the load of Doubt's oanVring fetter, Never give up or the burden may sink you, Trovidence kindly has mingled the cup, And in all trials of troubles bethink you, The watchwords of life must be, "Never give up Never give up There are chances and changes Helping the hopeful a hundred to one; And through the chaos high Wisdom arranges. Ever success if you'll only hope on.

Never give up for the wisest is boldest, Knowing that Providence mingles the cup And of all Maxims the best is the oldest, Is the true watchword of "Never give Never give up tlio' grape-shot may rattle; Or the full thunder-cloud over you burst, Stand like a reck, and the storm and the battle Little shall harm you tho' doing their worst. Never give up, if adversity presses, Providence wisely has mingled the cap, And the best counsel in all your distresses Is the stout watchword of "Never give up!" Perils of a Revivalist. An anecdote is toU of Fenny, the "revivalist'' and a canaler, to the following effect: He was holding forth in Rochester, and in walking along the canal ono across a boatman who was swearing furi ously. Marching up, he confronted him, and abruptly asked: "air, dcryou know where you are go ing?" The unsuspecting man innocently replied that he was going up the canal on the boat Johnny Sands. "No, sir, you are not, continued ny; "you arc going to ncii lastcr man a canal boat can carry you," The boatman looked at him in aston ishment for a minute, and then returning the question, said: "Sir, do you know where you are go- ing?" "I expect to go to heaven.

"No, sir, you are going into the canal!" And suiting the action to the word, he took Fenny in his arms and tossed him into the murky waters.where he would have drowned had not the boatman relented and fished him out. Ebony Voting. The Logan County Gazette gets off somcgood things. Among its recent productions will be found the following: Chalk and ivory! Heels and shins! 8ambo'3 glory now begins! Go 'way white man! You don't know How to vote right dat is so. Yaw, yaw, yaw! Yaw, yaw, yaw! De happiest day I eber saw! War's de tickets? Fetch 'em straight! I votes early I votes late I votes often I votes right I's no ignoramus white Man and brudder equal born De Maker's image (in a horn!) De glory ob de rising day De called cuss from Africa! Oh, fcinky, minky, stinky, oh! If dis ain't glory, tell me so! Excited Orator.

We have taken Atlanta, we have taken Savannah, we have taken Columbia and Charleston, and now at last we havo captured Petersburg and occupied Richmond, and what remains for us to take? A loyal leaguer in tho crowd shouts out: "Let's take a drink." The crowd disperses in various directions. S-White people are dying of starva tion in Columbia, S. while all over the South a large body of the negroes are living idly on Government rations. Can't a whi to Slave Bureau be gotten up lor tne care and protection of destitute white people, on some such plan as the Freed-man's Bureau, the pet institution of the Abolitienists for the benefit of the negroes? The White Bureau seems to be more urgently needed than theblaek one. BgguThe people of the South do not ask for a restoration of their slaves.

or pecuniary assistance. They only ask that they be left with what means they have to begin their career anew, and secure prosperity in the future. Does not policy, if nothing more, dictate that this boon be granted? The guard of armed soldiers who were placed at the houses of Secretaries Seward, Stanton, and others of the Cabi net, iust after the assassination, are still kent nn. and nassine in irons 01 ineir 1 A doors at any hour of tho night you see a sentinel stalking measuredly to ana iro. fiLA vounc man who has recently ta ken a wife says he did not find it half so hard to get married as ho did to get the furniture, and when it came to getting the bread and butter.he had to fall back upon the old folks.

can marry any girl I please," said a young fellow boastingly. "Very true," said his waggish companion, "for you can't please any." fln the cast women stop their husbands from going to grog shops by killing or horsewhipping tho grog-shop keepers. SPEECH OF Gen. GEORGE. W.

MORGAN, Democratic Candidate for Governor, DELIVERED EEFORE THE State Convention, August 24, 18G5. Hon. Allen G. Thuroian rose and said he would propose to the Convention the name of a man for Governor, of great intelligence and capacity; a thorough-blood ed Democrat, an honest man; and a gallant soldier Gen. George W.

Morgan; and he moved that the General be nominated by acclamation which motion prevailed by a unanimous vote of the Convention, amid the wildest and most enthusiastic applause. Hon. J. F. McKinney moved that a Committee of three be appointed to wait upon Gen.

Morgan, and inform him of his nomination, and request his presence in the Convention, The President appointed Hon. J. F. McKinney, of Miami; Judge Vance, of Butler, and Mr. Meredith, of Morrow, said Committee.

After a short absence, tho Committee returned with Gen. Morgan, who was then introduced by Mr. McKinney when he spoke as follows: SPEECH OF GENERAL GEORGE AV. MORGAN. Mr.

President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Your committee has informed me that the delegates from the people, here assembled, have confided to my custody during the present important contest, the standard of constitutional liberty, and I appear before you, responsive to your call, to express my thanks, and to accept the trust, and give my cordial endorsement to the resolutions adopted by the Convention. It was my fortune, Mr. 1'resident, to be associated for a short time in tho field, with the distinguished gentleman who is the nominee of the Bcpublican Conven tion, and I entertain for him sentiments of personal kindness and respect. But our views on certain questions of vital impor tance widely differ, and that difference of opinion has made us, without any action on our part, opposing candidates for the suffrages of our fellow citizens. IS THE UNION RESTORED? Our countrv is at peace.

No one be lieves that there is danger of civil commotion or of foreign war. Our gallant army of white soldiors is being rapidly they are welcomed to their homes amid the grateful plaudits of a patriotic people; but the fact that large armies of necrro troops are retained under arms should excite to vigilance and awaken the anxiety of every citizen. The war is over; the supremacy of our flag is acknowledged over the entire Federal domain; there is cause for rejoicing over the brilliant deeds of our soldiers.but there is also reason for grave apprehension as to the future. The roar of cannon, the clang of arms, and the shouts of victory are no longer heard; the conscription has ceased; the hurried tread of our young men on the pathway to war, no longer startles our women and children from their slumbers; but the Union, the grand and only justifiable object of the war, the only object for which our soldiers fought the Union is not yet restored, and a dangerous and powerful effort is being made by professed friends to exclude certain of the States from a representation in tho Federal Legislature, and thereby prevent the restoration of the Union. "The Union" docs not mean any given extent of territory held under arbitrary rule, but is a government of United States, and until those States are represented in the Federal Legislature, as provided by the Constitution, there can be no Union.

War has performed its part; the soldier has nobly discharged his duty, and let us take good caxe that his blood has not been shed in vain; the insurrectionary armies have surrendered their munitions to the Federal authorities, and resumed their allegiance to the Federal Government of the United States, but the restoration of the Union to their position and rights under the Constitution, is not yet achieved. Upon this vital question, our fellow- citizens of the Republican party are divided among themselves, and a majority of that party in Congress will oppose President Johnson's plan for readmitting to the National Legislature the Senators and Representatives from the Southern States. The President declares 'that he is in favor of leaving the question of reconstructing their State Governments to the citizens of the Southern States, in the exercise of their constitutional rights. Our Government is not a consolidated empire like that of Russia, Austria or France; nor a monarchy like that of Great Britain; but we have a Union composed States with co-ordinate powers and coequal rights. The States formed the Union, and, in doing so, relinquished certain rights which are distinctly specified, and, in the language of the Constitution, "all powers not delegated to the United States, nor prohibited to the States, are reserved to the States, or the people.

due federal Government derives its power from the Constitution, and possesses no lawful authority which is not granted by that instrument. Congress may admit new States, 'but has no authority to expel a State from the Union. Nineteen States represented in Congress, have not the right to exclude representatives from seventeen, they cannot exclude the repre-1 sentatives from ono State. The power of the States, ns States, being their rights co-cqual, one State cannot exercise powers or enjoy privileges to which every other State is not equally entitled. Thus, every State is entitled to two United StatGS Senators, no matter what may be the locality, or how small the population.

And the Senators from a majority of the States cannot exclude Senators from a minority of the States, without thereby violating their constitutional rights. The six New England -States, with a population a half a million less than that of the single State of New York, have twelve Senators, while New York has only two. And the State of Ohio has a greater population than five of tho "New England States, and yet they have ten Senators while Ohio has but two. Nor will we complain of the fact that one citizen of New England exercises five times more representative power in the Federal Senate than does a citizen of Ohio. unless that great disparity of power be used to subvert the very rights which it was created to protect.

But we arc told that the people of certain of the Southern States have been in open insurrection, and thattherby the States in which the insurgents lived have forfeited their political existence. It is true that the neonlo of the South, at first in small numbers. afterwards a majority, did rise in insurrection. But havs they not been terribly punished for this fault? In their slaves alone they have lost two thousand million dollars. Their lands have been ravaged; their houses have been burned, and the region in which the war was waged has been converted into a charred wilderness.

Can justice, nay not justice, but can human vengeance demand more than this? And where, let us ask, is the provision in the Constitution, which declares that a State shall forfeit its political existence its rights under tho Constitution, because a portion of all its citizens have been insurgents? No such power exists, and it wo'd be absurd to suppose that the Constitution would provide for its own overthrow by authorizing the disintegration of the Union, but it does provide for the suppression of insurrection and domestic violence. Where individual persons have done wrong they are amenable to the civil laws, but the acts of individnals cannot forfeit tho existence of States, nor confer powers upon the Federal Gaarexouicnt unknown to tho Constitution. By what process is the Union to be restored? By what means are we again to become countrymen in heart, as well as in name? If wo continue to treat the Southern people as enemies, can wc expect them to become friends? Would it not be well to remember that civil wars are like fam ily feuds, and when, after strife has ceas ed, and the cause of the difficulty has been calmly considered, that both parties are generally found to be more or less in fault? Unselfish patriotism can restore tho Uh ion, while selfish ambition may involve the country in new horrors, and our institutions in total ruin. It requires no art, no mystery, no diplomacy to restore the Union. have but to say to our coun trymen of the South, Come, let us again be friends: if in aught we have both erred, then let us both profit by the terrible les son of the past four if only one has been wrong, then let that one be gen erously forgiven.

Had our civil authorities been influ enced by the same spirit of generosity and wise conciliation which inspired our armies; or had soldiers like bhernian and McClellan been authorized to treat for poace, the war would not have survived the second year, and the Union would have been restored with sentiments of cordial admiration and affection, warming the uearts ot our countrymen JNortli ana South; for generous manhood begets re spect. Our country can only be brought back to the happy and prosperous condition which existed prior to the return ing to tho lundamental principles upon which our institutions were based, and those great doctrinal truths taught by Jeilerson and Madison, and tho other car ly fathers of the Republic. THE NEGRO PROBLEM. uen. Lox proposes to create a negro "dependency" to the United States, from contiguous territory of the States of Al abama, Georgia, Florida and South Car Jolina, "without breaking up the State or I ganizations." I dissent from this solu lion, because Congress has no authority under the Constitution, to convert one or more States into "a negro dependency: because if such a "dependency were crea ted, a war of extermination between the hostile races would be the inevitable result and lastly because the dependency could only bo established after having obtained tho lands of the white inhabitants by first exterminating them; or by the Govern mcnt purchasing the lands on the condi tion that tho white citizens would aban don their homes that the negro might possess them.

The plan of purchase is unpracticable even were it Constitutional. The area of the proposed negro "dependency" woul contain nearly thirty million acres of the best land in America, which at an average cost of twenty dollars per acre, wou amount to about six hundred million dol lars. Six hundred million dollars! Where is that enormous sum to come from? it to be added to our present debt of four thousand millions! or cocs Gen. Cox pro pose that an additional six hundred mil lion dolh-rs shall be aduei to the tax as segment for the vear lSGG? This question cannot be solved by the application of tho remedy proposed, ita true solution ia tho National one. and In most civilized countries there are in-j habitants who are not citizens, but thoy are fully protected by the laws of the land in which they reside.

There is no hardship in limiting the negro to the rights of an "inhabitant," and still less so, when -it is considered that for such services as he may have rendered in the field, he has been rewarded with freedom. If the negroes so desire, they can re main as "perpetual inhabitants, who," says Vattel, "are a kind of citizens of an inferior order, and are united to the society without participating in all its advantages." That is, they would be protected in life, liberty and property.without having the right to vote, or the exercise of other rights which are incident to suffrage. NEGRO EQUALITY IN OHIO. The "Obcrlin Committee" said to Gen. Cox, in their letter of July 21, 1SG5, "We want to know directly from you your views on the following subjects: 1st.

Are you in favor of modying our Constitution so as to give the elective franchise to colored men?" To this-question, thus plainly put, (Jen. Qox made no reply, and every reader of his letter is left to draw his own inference as to his views as to negro suffrage in Ohio. He speaks of 'the logic of events, which I understand to mean to drift with the current, and if in the "event" of his election, and it appearing that a mojority of the leaders of his partv favor iiclto suffrage in Ohio, then he as Governor will favor amending our Constitution so as to make negroes voters. He says that "the few colored men wc ave amongst us arc mere waifs and strays from the great body." But the question are these "colored waifs and strays to be given the right of suffrage in Ohio. his letter, Gen.

Cox declined to answer that question. But at the late meeting at Obcrlin, Gen. Cox took occasionto define his position as to negro suffrage in Ohio. According to the special dispatch to the Cincinnati Gazette, he declared "JT have seen blade troops fight nobly, ml I suu of all, that they icho were good enough to fight with ns arc good enough to stand on the Union platform loith me." lhis frank and explicit delaration of Gen. Cox in favor of Negro Equality in Ohio, clears away tho doubts which existed as to the true interpretation of certain passages of his letter.

And as I recog nize the right of the people to be inform ed or tho of acartdidatc upon all puunc issues suomuieu to incir consiucr-ation, I here declare that I am opposed to conferring the right of suffrage on negroes in Ohio, or in the South, now, or at any future time, or un der any circumstances. In 1S60, there were more than twenty- five thousand negroes in Ohio, and it is believed that the number has been increas ed four-fold since that timo. Are we to confer the right of suffrage on a negro CO population of one hundred thousand, and thereby convert our great State into a negro eolony Jbor, grant citizenship to negroes in Ohio, and the African "dependency" proposed to be established by General Cox, would become depopulated the "waifs and strays would be the only inhabitantsof and the great body oi negroes would emigrate to Ohio, and other States where they could enjoy social and political equality with the white race. And is this the reward which our brave soldiers arc to receive for all their perils in a hundred bat tles, and all their toils in a score ot campaigns? Now that the war ia over, shall we say to the soldiers, as a reward for your valor, wo will reduce you to the level of negroes? And our laboring men, are they, too, to be brought into competition with negroes at half wages, and be forced to take negroe's prices or starve? No, sirs, it must not De done. The whole scheme of negro equality is chimerical and fraught with danger.

Wc have upon this continent examples of the total incapacity of mongrel races for self-government. At the outbreak of the American revolution, the popularion of the United States and that of Mexico, were about equal thrco millions each. In either country there were three races, the white, red and black. In the States of the Union, free as well as slave, the negroes have been kept in a condition of subordination to the white race, and from a comparatively small number, they have increasod to four million souls. While on the other hand, the savago spirit of the Indians spurned control, and a conflict ensued which will only cease with the existence of the red man.

And what is the relative condition of Mexico and the United States The former has but five million inhabitants; nearly one half of her territory has been absorbed by the United States; and she is destitute of commerce, manufactures and schools; while our ships cover the waters of every sea; our manufactures are to be found in every'mart of the habitablo globe and every child in our land has thcupp-portunity to obtain a good English education. Why this difference? Tho United States and Mexico were alike colonized byEuropcas, In the former the white race preserved its integrity; while the Spaniards, on the other hand, amalgamated with the Indian and the Negro, and a race of wretched Mongrels, doomed to a state of chronic anarchy, is the result. Some well meaning persons ask, "Might it not be better to give the Negro the right to suffrage, and have done with the vexed question Such was the cry for twenty-five years prior to the rebellion "Let us abolish slavery, and have done with tho vexed question." What has been the result? Let those who think thus be not do- ceived, for he who votes for Negro Suf- fragc votes for tho inauguration of tho most cruel, merciless and devastating of all wars a war of races; a war which spares neither ago, nor sex, nor condition a war which can know no peace, until one race or the other has been swept from the earth, a war which would make tho West and North, as well as the South, a scene of fearf ul blight and desolation. TnE CONFLICT BEGUN. Wc arc told in a tone of rejoicing, by certain distinguished gentlemen, that' in the South the conflict of races has already begun, and that our own race will be driven to the wall that is; be exterminated And that, in the new order of things, a Negro aristocracy will be created, and that Negroes will occupy seats on the Supreme bench, and in the halls of the National Legislature? What is this propoiition That six millions of our own race, men, women and children, shall bo trampled into the earth, in order that an aristocracy of four million negroes shall be.

established upon their graves! And can it be that a policy so monstrous in itself, so atrocious in its conception a policy equally inhuman, unconstitutional and unchristan, can receive the sanction of the enlightened citizens of Ohio Can it be true that the people of Ohio desire the extermination of our countrymen of the South, and that the black man's home shall be. built upon the white man's grave? Forbid it llcaven And in the name of our country; in the name of civil liberty; in the name of all we hold most dear on earth, I invoke the spirits of the mighty dead of Washing ton and Adams, of branklm and of Jef ferson, of Hamilton and of Madison. linsi the horrid profanation against hu manity, against the Constitution, against the Divine spirit of Christianity itself. ClVtt LIBERTY. Although I commenced my military career at fifteen years of age, I was taught from my earlk-st youth to revere the cause of civil liberty, and I view the continued suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and the trial of citizens by military commissions, in direct violation of.

the Constitution, and as dangerous infringement of the liberty of the people. THE PUBLIC DEBT AND TAXATION. The National debt is estimated at four thousand million dollars, and General Cox proposes the purchase of a district of country containing thirty million acres of land, in order to create a negro depend- ency. ram wuoiiy opposed to mat or any ot Ti cr Sc1f59W WWfrJrWtl to increase the burthens of the people, and am in favor of and equitable system of taxation, and of reducing the expenses of the Federal and State Government to the lowest practicable point consistent with necessary expenses. OUR POLICY IF SUCCESSFUL.

And now, Mr. President, should it be the will of the people to confide the affairs of the State to the care of tho Democratic-party; what is to be our policy? Believing that governments are instituted not for the benefit of a party, but for the protection and common good of the whole people, the Democratic party will be equitable and just in the administration of public affairs. Magnanimity is good policy in peace as in war. and a party incapable of magnanimity is unworthy of being trusted with power. One wrong docs not justify another, and he is an unwise politician who wroud demand public vengeance for private injuries.

Our only desire is the maintenance of constitutional law, so that tho blessings of civil liberty may be secured for ourselves, and for our fellow citizens of all parties, And should tho people of Ohio call me to tho performance of the responsible duties of the chief magistrate, it will be my earnest study to discharge the obligations incident to that position, with striet imparti ality; and to the full extent of my official ability to secure tee rights of civil liber ty to every citizen of the State. Ours is a land of law, and the magistrate is not less bound to respect its provisions than is the private citizen; and if he violates the fundamental law which he is sworn to support, he should bo held to a stricter accountability than he who assumes no such additional obligation. We are entering upon one of the most important political campaigns ever known in this or any other Stato. The question has been asked me what are the Can we succeed? It has been my fortune to sec many an engagement on the battle but this is the first time in my life that I have been put at the head of a civil column; ifhd though I am not boast-1 ful, I must say that I never knew the strength of the respective forces without being able to predict victory or defeat. And as I have studied the ground of this contest well, I toll you that the morale of the enemy is bad, their strength broken and their flag will soon be draggling in tho dust, if you, the representatives of the people will do your duty.

I have spoken of the gallant men who went forth to sacrifice life and limb in defense of the Constitution and Union but not of the nigger and while they were thus battling in the field there was another army at home of civilians, patriotic and devoted to the principles of the old flag, battling for Constitutional liberty. What we want is for these two armies to join hands and hearts and beat down on the mongrel hordes. I would say to soldiers and civilians, be friends; let no petty jealousies mar our glorious cause. Remember we arc brethcrn and friends, and upon us, soldiers and citizens, rests the well being of this land. tfRJufhe bark of a willow tree, burned to ashes and mixed with vinegar, applied to the part affected, will remove all warts, corns or excresenecs in any part of the body.

Webster on Stales RighU ai very. Here is an extract from a apeact Webster, in 1S10, ten years befoCvb1 gan to incur the maledictions of tl olitionists: "I hold that Congress is absolwsl eluded rrom interlering in any mai direct or. indirect, with this, as f'th any other, of the institutions of the. States. The cheering was here loud and l9g continued, and a voico from tbc crowd' ex-claimod: 'We wish this could be hcaed from Maryland to Louisiana, and weyde-sire that the sentiment just expressed may be repeated.

Repeat! Repeat! Well, I repeat it: proclaim it oc the wiuxa of tfe wind, tell it to all your triends Cries of 'Wc will! we tell it, 1 say, standing here in the capital of Virginia, beneath. an October sun, in the midst WF this assemblage, before the entire country, and upon all the responsibility which belongs to me, I say that there is no power, direct or indirect, in Congress orflfo General Government, to interfere in the slightest degree with the institutions of the South. "And now, fellow-citizons, I ask VOtt only to do me one favor. I ask your to carry the paper home; read it; read it to your neigborsjand when you hear theory, 'Shall Mr. Webster, the abolitionist, be allowed to profane the soil of that you will tell them that, in connection with tho doctrine in that spech, I hold that there are two governments over us, each possessing its own distinct authority, with which the other may wot interfere.

I may differ from you in some things, but I will here say that, as to the doctrine of state rights, as held by Mr. Madison in his last days, I do not know that we differ at all; yet I am oneaed among the foremost, to hold that it is indispensable to the prosperity of these governments to preserve, and that he is no true friend to either who dees not labcr to preserve, a true distinction between both. "We mny not oil see the line which divides them; but all honest mea know that there is a line, and they all fear to go either on the one or the other side of it. It is this balance between the general and the Stato governments which has preserved the country ia unexampled prosperity for fifty years; and the destruction of this just balance will bo the destruction of our government. What I believe to be the doctrine of state rights, I hold as firmly as any man.

Do I not belong to a state? and may I not Bay, to a state which has done something to give herself renown, and to her sons some little share of participated distinction? I say again that the upholding of state rights, on the one hand, and of the just power of Congress on the other, is indispensable to the preservation of our freo republican government." A Terrible Increase or Crime. omolC The following paragraphs are suggestive of reflection: The total number of arrests in the city of New three months ending on the 31st of 20.467 showing an increase of 7,875 over the previous quarter. Washington City was never so infested with garroters and burglars as at the pres ent time. Men are knocked down and robbed nightly in the public streets, aad the police seem powerless to protect the citizens. Unless greater protection be afforded against such depredations, Lynch law will soon be resorted to and the city be summarily rid of some of its rogues.

At present thcro is absolutely no safety for unarmed men on any street in that city, after nightfall. This is the complaint all over the conn-try. There are more murders, burglaries robcrics and rapes reeerded in our exchanges in a week than there used to be in a year. There is a perfect carnival of crime of the most atrocious description. It is one of the fruits of the social demoralization caused by the war, the evils of which it will take centuries to eradicate.

at Gen. Jackson's Motto. Think before you act, but when the time comes for action, stop thinking." This is the true doctrine. Many men fail in life, and go down to the grave with hopes blasted and prospected happiness unrealized, because they did not adopt and act upon this motto. Nothing so prepares a man for action as thought, but nothing so unfits a man for action as the want of action.

Better by far adopt some course and pursue it energetically, even though it may not be the best, than to keep continually thinking without action. "Go ahead, ought to be printed in ever.y young nam's hat, and read until it becomes a part of his nature, until he can act upon his own judgment, and not be turned from his course by every wind ot interested advice. In conclusion wc would say, Think before you act, but when the time.for action comes stop think- Size is Nothing. One of the best proofs that "size is no account" is the following: A talented young African of the boot-blacking persuasion, while dancing like St. Vitus over a customer boots, the other day, observed a neighbor poring wisely over a newspaper, whereupon he addressed him thus: "Julius, what de debil you doin wid dat paper? You can read." "Go way, guess I kin read, Ise big enough for dat," replied the other "Big retortd the first one, scornfully, "dat aint nufhn; a cow's big 'nuff to cotch a micej but she can't do it; dat's iby ftrb- mer.

I i I ji 'imiM.