The Vermont Union Whig from Rutland, Vermont on January 19, 1839 · Page 1
Get access to this page with a Free Trial

The Vermont Union Whig from Rutland, Vermont · Page 1

Rutland, Vermont
Issue Date:
Saturday, January 19, 1839
Page 1
Start Free Trial

TOT VOIC'E OF Jl & ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers. Ptiblinhed under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor volume i. MONTPELII2R, YEKKOXT, J1HTIJABY VJ, 1839. ft'OJ 52 Eft ) THE VOICE OF FREEDOM Is published everv Saturday mornimr. at $62 a year, pay able in advance. , It' payment be delayed till the end of the year, I'ifty Lents will be added. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. Subscriptions, and all letters relating to business, should be addressed to the Publishers : letters relating to the editorial department, to the Editor. Communications intend ed for publication should be signed by the proper name of the writer. "CP1 Postapcmust be paiu in ail cases. Agents of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society, and officers of local anti-slavery societies throughout the state, are authorized to act as agents for this paper. - TZP OihV.e, one door West from tho Post-Ofiice, State st, ANT AVERY From TlieoJfre D. Weld's Bible Argument. The Jsible Against Slavery. he snirit of slavery never seeks shelter in. the of its own accord. It grasps the horns ol ltar only in desperation rushing from the of tho avenger's arm. Like other unclean aits; 4t " natctn tne ugnt, neitner cometn to me light, lest its Itleeds should be reproved." Goaded to nhrenzy in its' conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it vaults over the sacred inclosure and courses up and down the Bible, " seeking rest, and finding none." The law of love, glowing on ev ery page, flashes arcfund it an omnipresent anguish and despair. It shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons quailed before the Sou of God, and shrieked, " Torment us not. "At last, it slinks away under the types of the Mosaic system, and seeks to burrow out of sight among their shadows. Vain hope ! Its asylum is its sepulchre ; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. It flies from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire ; and from the voice of God into the thickest of His thunders. DEFINITION OF SLAVERY. If we would know whether the Bible sanctions slavery, we must determine ivhat slavery is. A constituent element, is one thing ; a relation, another ; an appendage, another. Relations and appendages presuppose other things to which they belong. To regard them as the things themselves, or as constiuent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. A great variety of conditions, relations, and tenures, indispensable to the social state, are confounded with slavery ; and thus slaveholding becomes quite harmless, if not virtuous. We will specify some of these. 1. Privation of suffrage. Then minors are slaves. 2. Ineligibility to office. Then females are slaves. 3. Taxation without representation. Then slaveholders in the District of Columbia are slaves. . Privation of one's oath by law. Then disbelievers in a future retribution are slaves. 1 i 5. Privation of trial 'Injury. Then all pj France and Germany are slavespBStfT" ; 6. "Being required to support eTfftr titular ligion. ' Then the people of England are slaves. (To the preceding may be added all other disabilities, merely political.) 7. Cruelty and oppression. Wives, children, and hired domestics are often oppressed ; but these forms of cruelty are not slavery. 8. Annrenticeshiv. The ritrhts and duties of master and apprentice are correlative and reciprocal. The claim of each upon the other results from his obligation to the other. Apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. The rights of the apprentice arc secured, equally with those of the master. Indeed, while the law is just to the master, it is benevolent to the apprentice. Its main design is rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. It promotes the interests of the former, while in doing li, it guards from injury those of the latter. To the master it secures a mere legal compensation to the apprentice, both a legal compensation and a virtual gratuity in addition, he being of the two the greatest gainer. The law not only recognizes the right of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. The master's claim covers only the services of the apprentice. The apprentice's laim covers equally the services of the master. NTrtlttirt Ann VirtLl im rtllicn 0 0 TVlrtrort,7 Kilt P'.ipll Ids property in the services of the other, and )th equally. Js this slavery f 9. Filial subordination and parental claims. oth are nature's dictates and intrinsic elements of the social state ; the natural anections wnicn blend parent, and child in one, excite each to dis charge those offices incidental to the relation, and constitute a shield for mutual protection. The parent's legal claim to the child's services, while a minor, is a slight return for the care and toil of his rearing, to say nothing of outlays for support and education. This provision is, with the mass of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. The child, in helping his parents, helps, himself increases a common stock, in which he has a share ; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. ' 10. Bondage for crime. Must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties ? True, the criminal works for the government without pay ; and well he may. He owes the government. A century's work would not pay its drafts on him. He is a public defaulter, and will die so. Because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who owe nothing ? The law makes no criminal property. It restrains his and makes him pay something, a mere in the pound, of his debt to the govern-but it does not make him a chattel. Test ) own property, is to own its product. Are en born ol co.ivk-is, government property f des, can property be guilty i ' Are chattels K:l ,1 11 H.estrn.i.71.1 un'in freedom. Children are estrained by parents pupils, by teachers pa tients, by physicians corporations, by charters and legislatures, by constitutions. Embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. Restraints are the web of society, warp and woof. Are they slave ry ? then civilized society is a giant slave a government of law, the climax of slavery, and its ex ecutive, a king among slaveholders. 12. Compulsory service. A juryman isempan-l nelled against his will, and sit he must. A sheriff orders his posse ; bystanders must turn in. Men are compelled to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and " turn to the right as the law directs," however much against their wills. Are they therefore slaves ? To confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. Slavery is a condition. The skive's feelings toward it, are one thing; the condition itself, is another thing: his feelings cannot alter the nature of that condition. Whether he desires or detests it, the condition remains the same. The slave's willingness to be a slave is no palliation of the slaveholder's guilt. Suppose the slave should think himself a chattel, and consent to be so regarded by others, does that make him a chattel, or make those guiltless who hold him as such ? I may be sick of life, and tell the assassin so that stabs me ; is he any the less a murderer ? Does my consent to his crime, atone for it? my partner ship in his guilt, blot out his part of it ? The slave's willingness to be a slave, so far from lessening the guilt of the "owner," aggravates it. If slavery has so palsied his mind that he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually to hold him as such, falls in with his de lusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. These very feelings and convictions of the slave, (if such were possible,) increase a hundred fold the guilt o! the master, anu call upon nim in tliunder, im mediately to recognize him as a man, and thus break the sorcery that cheats him out of his birthright the consciousness of his worth and destiny. Many of the foregoing conditions are appendages of slavery. But no one, nor all of them together, constitute its intrinsic, unchanging element. We proceed to state affirmatively that, enslaving MEN IS REDUCING THEM TO ARTICLES OF PROPERTY making free agents, chattels converting persoyis into things sinking immortality into mer chandise. A slave is one held in thi3 condition. In law, " he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." . His right to himself is abrogated. If he say my hands, my feet, my body, my mind, my self, they are figures of speech. To use himself for his own good, is a crime, lo keep what he earns, is stealing. To take his body into his own keeping, is insurrection. In a word, the profit of his master is made the end of his being, and he, a mere means to that end a mere means to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion. Man, sunk to a thing ! the intrinsic clement, the principle of slavery ; men, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeath ed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at public outcry I lheir rights, another s conveniences; their interests, wares on sale ; their happiness, a household utensil ; their personal inalienable ow- hip, a serviceable article, or a plaything, as l suits the humrr of the hour : their deathless ftare. .conscience, eocial aflextions, sympathies, the reduction of persons to things not robbing a man of privileges, but of himself '; not loading with burdens, but making him a beast of burden ; not restraining liberty, but subverting it ; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them ; not inflicting personal cruelty,, but annihilating personality ; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking him into an implement of labor; not abridging human comforts, but abrogating human nature; not depriving an animal of immunities, but despoiling a rational being of attributes uncreating a man, to make room for a thing .' That this is American slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. Judge Stroud, in his " Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery," says, "The cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but a-mong things obtains as undoubted law in all of these the f lave states." The law of South Carolina thus lays down the principle : " Slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever." Brevard's Digest, 229. In Louisiana, " A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs; the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor ; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master." Civ. Code of Louisiana, Art. 35. This is American slavery. The eternnl distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under footthe crowning distinction of all others alike tho source, the test, and the measure of their value the rational, immortal principle, consecrated by God to universal homage, in a baptism of glory and honor by the gift of His Son, His Spirit, His Word, His presence, providence, and power j His shield, and staff, and sheltering wing; His opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven, proclaiming e-ternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. Whatever system sinks man from an lifD to a mere means, just so far makes him a slave. Hence West India apprenticeship retains the cardinal principle of slavery. The apprentice, during three-fourths of his time, is still forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings ; just so far forth he is a mere means, a slave. True, in other respects slavery is abolished in the British Westlndies. Its bloodiest features are blottod out but the meanest and most despicable of all forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demur at the outrage, is one of the provisions of the " Emancipation Act!" For the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thank God, while they mourn that it rose behind clouds, and shines through an eclipse. The following is the closing paragraph in the will of Patrick Henry : "I have disposed of all my property to my family ; there is one thing more I wish I could give them, and that is the Christian Religion. If they had this, and I had not given them one shilling, they would be rich ; and if they had not that, and I had given them nil the world, they would be poor." A drunkard was lying asleep on the rail-road track which passes through Fleet-street, Baltimore, on Saturday night, when one of the evening train of cars from Philadelphia passed over him, severing his head, and killing him instantly. From the Herald of Freedom, Color-Phobia. Our people have got it. They have got it in the blue, collapse stage. Many of them have got it so bad, they can't get well. They will die of it. It will be a mercy if the nation does not. What a dignified, philosophic malady bate of complexion. They don't know that they have got it or think rather they took it the natural way. But they were inoculated. It was injected into their veins and incided into their systems, by old doctor Slavery, the exeat doctor thai the fa mous doctor Wayland studied with. There is a t.!.-JC 1 ' I . II 1 1 . mt Kjuu ui varioloid type, canea colonization, ihey generally go together, or all that have one are more apt to catch the other. Inoculate for one, (no matter which) and they will have both before tney get over it. Hie remedy and the prevent ive, it taken early, is a kine pock sort of matter, by the name of anti-slavery. It is a safe preventive, and a certain cure. None that have it, genuine, ever catch slavery, or colonization, or the color-phobia. You can't inoculate either into them. It somehow changes and redeems the constitution, so that it is unsusceptible of them. An abolitionist can sleep safely all night in a close room, where there has been a colonization meeting the day before. He might sleep with R. R. Gurley and old doctor Proudlit, three in a bed, and not catch it. The remedy was discovered by doctor vv m. ijioyd Jenner-uarrison. This color-phobia is making terrible havoc a-mong our communities. Anti-slavery drives it out and after a while cures it. But it is a base, low, vulgar ailment. It is meaner in fact than the itch. It is worse to get rid of than the 'seven years itch.' It is fouler than Old Testament leprosy. It seems to set the dragon into a man, and make him treat poor dark skinned folks like a tiger, It goes hardest with dark complect white people. They have it longer and harder than I' .1. .1 1 1 T . l .1 ... ngni siiinnea people, it makes tnem sing out 'nig' ger nigger,' some times in their sleep. We should reckon the editor of the Patriot had had a touch of it, if he want too light complect. He sings out now and then like a patient that had got it. He halloos 'nigger, nigger, every once in while, but may be he has got some other disorder, being light favored so. sometimes they make a noise like this darkey darkey darkey. Some times woolly woolly. 1 hey will turn up then-noses, when they see colored people especially if they are of a pretty rank, savory habit ol i erson themselves. They are generally apt to turn up their noses, as though there was some 'bad smell in the neighborhood, when they have had it bad and are naturally pretty odoriferous. It is a tasty disorder a beautiful ailment very genteel, and apt to go into 'first families.' We should like to have Hogarth take a sketch of such a community that had it -of ours, for instance, when the St. Vilas fit""PWs on. We have read somewhere of a I painter., wng mada so droll a picW. that he did a-laugtung at the sight of it. Hogarth might not laugh at this picture. It would be a sight to cry at,' rather than laugh -especially if he could see the poor objects of our phrenzy, when the fit is on which indeed is all the lime, for it is an un-intermittent. Our attitude would be most ridiculous and ludicrous, if it were not too mortifying and humiliating and cruel. Our Hogarth would be apt to die of something else than laughter at sight of his sketch. This beastly malady is the secret of all our anti-abolition, and all our mobocracy. It shuts up all the consecrated meeting houses and all the tem ples of justice, the court houses, against the friends of negro liberty. It is all alive with fidgets about desecrating the Sabbath with anti-slavery lectures. It thinks pew owners can't go into thein, or use their pulpit, when it is empty, without leave of the minister whom they employ to preach in it. It will forcibly shut people out of their own houses and off of their own land not with the respectful violence of enemies and trespassers, but the contemptuous unceremoniousness of the plantation o-verseer mingled, moreover, with the slavish irascibility of the poor negro, when he holds down his fellow slave for a flogging. It sneers at human rights through the free press. It handed John B. Mahan over to the alligators of Kentucky. It shot Elijah P. Lovejoy through the heart. It dragged away the free school at Canaan. It set Pennsylvania Hall on fire. It broke Miss Crandall's school windows, and threw filth into her well, It stormed the female prayer-meeting in Boston with a 'property and standing' forlorn hope. It passed the popish resolution at Littleton in Grafton county. It shut up the meeting house at Meredith Bridge against minister and all, and the homely court house there, and howled like bedlam around the little, remote, district school house, and broke the windows at night. It excludes consideration and prayer in regard to the forlorn and christian-made heathenism of the American colored man, from county conferences and clerical associations. It broods over the mousings of the New York Observer, and gives keenness to the edge and point of its New Hampshire namesake. It' votes anti-slavery lectures out of the New Hampshire state house, and gives it public hearing on petitions, in a seven by nine committee room. It answers the most insulting mandates of the southern governors, calling for violations of the state constitution and bill of rights, by legislative report and resolves, that the paramount rights of slavery are safe enough in New Hampshire without these violations. It sneers and scowls at woman's speaking in company, unless to simper, when she is flattered by a fool of the masculine or neuter gender. It won't sign an anti-slavery petition, for fear it will put back emancipation half a century. It votes in favor of communing with slaveholders, and throwing the pulpit wide open to men-stealers, to keep peace in the churches, and prevent disunion. It will stifle and strangle sympathy for the slave and 'remembrance of those in bonds,' to prevent disturbance of religious revivals. It will sell the American slave to buy bibles, or hire negro-hating and negro-buying missionaries for foreign heathen of all quarters, but christian-wnsted Africa. It prefers American lecturers on slavery, to having that foreign emissary George Thompson :come over here, to interfere with American rights and prejudices. It abhors 'church action' and 'meddling with politics.' In short, it abhors slavery in the abstract wishes it might be done away, but denies the right of any body, or any thing, to devise its overthrow, but slavery itself and slaveholders. It prays for the poor slave that he might be elevated, while it stands both feet on his soul to keep him clown. It prays God might open a way in Jiis own time, for the deliverance of the slave, while it stands, with arms akimbo, right across the way He has already opened. Time would fail us to tell of its extent ami depth, in this free country or the deeds it has done. Anti-shivery must cure it or it must die out like the incurable- drunkards. From the A. 8. Almanac, for 1839. "What have the Free States to do with Sla very?" Majorities rule. The free states have always had the majority in Congress consequently the power and responsibility. How have we used this power? We have maintained slavery and the slave-trade at the seat of government forty-eight years legalized slave auctions there built prisons and hired jailors to keep safely runaway slaves and kidnapped free blacks, and sold both for jail fees adopted laws inflicting death on a slave who breaks into a store-house and steals Jive shillings' worth of tobacco, and ordaining, that a slave setting fire to a building shall have his head cut off, his body cut in quarters and set up in the most public places inflicting death on slaves for more than twenty crimes, not punishable with death to others depriving free colored persons of suffrage, and of the free use of the Post Office and imprisoning such as have not a "certificate of register" and selling them to pay costs. (See Reps. Corns. 2d Session. 19 Cong. No GO. pp. 6. 8 also 2d Sess. 20 Cong. v."l. No. 43. Also Wash. City Laws, p. 219, and act Cong. May 26, 1320.) We legalized the African slave trade for 20 years gave southern "property" a representation, by which S. C. with a white population 32,000 less thanVt., has 9 members of Congress and 11 votes in the election of Presi dent, whilst Vt. has but 5 members and 7 electoral votes promised to send back slaves that flee to us, and to help their masters to kill them, if they struggle for liberty. We robbed free color ed citizens of jury trial by the act of '93 denied naturalization to colored foreigners by act of Cong. April 14, 1S02 have made desperate efforts to re-enslave 10,000 Canadian freemen and to get Great Britain to deliver up all who flee thither from republican slavery (See Instructions of Mr. Clay, when Secretary of State, to Messrs. Gallatin and Barbour, ministers lo Great Britain.) surrendered to slavery all the national territory south of 3G -2" north latitude added seven slave slates to the Union bought territory to enlarge, the slave market and keep slaves from running away, La. for 15 millions, and Florida for fivemillions, besides twelve millions just spent in killing the Florida Ssr5?uok because they retaliated v'iv-YMrivti-v .rs kidi.npped their wives and , c'liTldreVinarrnvat ie'i Idludimp slaves, who iiao fled from us to other nations chosen slave holding' presidents for ten out of the first twelve terms chosen slaveholding speakers of the House of Representatives for twenty-five out of the last twenty-seven years removed the scat of government from a free to a slave state passed a iaw, Jan. IS'10, for the forcible removal of slaves from one pr.rt of the District to the other made the direct tax a lien on slaves, (Laws U. S. v. 3 p. 9G 9S,) and authorized the U. S. Collector to seize and sell them, and if sold for less than the debt, "the Collector shall purchase tho same in behalf of the U. S. for the ntnouni aforesaid" (Act of Cong. 1S13, sec. 21,) passed laws for transporting from one state to another slaves to sell, also for selling under State laws re-captured Africans repealed in 1S05 the act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into La. and throughout our national legislation have sustained slavery by the phraseology of acts of Congress, in which slaves arc called "property," "articles," "goods," "effects," "merchandize. iinally, JJec. Zl, liro", we voted that the petitions of 300,000 citizens of the free states should "be laid on the table without beintr debated, printed, read, or referred." The are a few things which the free states "have had to do with slavery" in their political capacity, as parts of the Union. v e will now spccily some things which they have done as separate communities. Most ol the Irce slates have been stave states and in Conn., R. I., N. J. and Pennsylvania slaves are still held. Illinois has a system of "indentured apprenticeship," a soft name for slave ry. The Legislature in Indiana struggled hard to make that a slave state, memorialized Congress on the subject, &c. (See Jour. II. R. 10th Cong, p. 41.) The states of N. Y., N. J., Pcnn., and Indiana have laws authorizing slaveholders to bring their slaves into the state, and hold them; N. Y. for nine months, Penn., N. J., and Ind., for six months. In most of the free states colored citizens are deprived of suffrage and civil office, and in Ohio, of the benefit of the school fund and of their oath in courts of law. Though our own colored sailors are imprisoned in southern ports for their complexion though our white citizens have rewards offered for them by southern legislators, and are lynched and hung by slavehol ders without judge or jury though slaveholding magistrates and postmasters by thousands, have turned mail-robbers, rifled U. S. mail bags, and are continually stealing packages and pilfering let ters, yet not one of the iree states has uttered a syllable of re-monstrance against such outrageous violations of the U. S. Constitution, in the shape of the meanest and most despicable public thieving. Infidels "Tell us of the schisms and the col lisions which rend all Christendom. These things, they should remember, verify at least one prophesy of our Lord, that he came not to send peace on earth, but a sword." Nor let them forget, that while lightning and thunder seem to fill the upper regions of ecclesiastical dignity -and power, the valleys are nevertheless refreshed with softening showers and sunlight, and are filled with such as dwell in serenity and peace, joyfully and silently preparing for usefulness here, and glory hereafter. Yes, far below, and far away from the regions of turbulenceand strife, thousands and tens of thous ands dwell, who have never bowed the knee to the Baal of party enmity and wrath! "Unseen ihey live, and praise, and pray; They long for heaven and tread the -way." Letter from Maria W, C hapman, The following spirited letter was written in answer to an invitation to attend the late annual meeting of the Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Society, Boston, Nov. 4th, 1338. Oliver Jonxsojf : friend Your kind letter in behalf of the. executive committee of the Rhode Island AntU Slavery Society, inviting us to participate in the proceedings of your anniversary, has been received. Myhusband requests ine to be his secretary on the occasion, and to thank you hcaitily for it, at the same time that I express our mutual regret that unavoidable engagements compel our absence. But, though prevented from actually joining you on so interesting an occasion, can 1 be other wise than present inspirit? May I briefly allude to a few topics of deep interest to our cherished cause, and which, in the press of business of absoluie necessity relating to its visible aspects, are less frequeutly dwelt upon, than their importance demands, When we were feeble and few, and before we had had opportunity in our associations to exercise the energy and activity which create business, we were drawn together chiefly by sympathy and the desire to give and receive encouragement, to commence the attack on an evil so great, that to have imagined its extinction, was thought a sufficient evidence of monomania. There was then time for a full discussion of principles, and a thorough examination and comparison of measures. Now the case is different. Having put many pieces of machinery in motion, there will naturally be a tendency to expend on thes? mom time and energy than they actually need, and the discovery of other and even more powerful means may thus be prevented. There may exist, with some activity in the cause, an ignorance of its great principles, with an absurd sensitiveness regarding matters of detail. Many of our measures are settled; settled as our principles, of which, indeed, they form a part. Respecting other measures, on which there is not unanimity of opinion, I would that meetings expressly for their discussion might be multiplied, so that want of time might be no pretext for their exclusion. Even tinder our present arrangements, better that an hour should, in the judgment of many, be wasted, than that one man should endure the suppression ofhu thought. Why should we be guilty of deceit and meanness, by crying out, as if to a point of order, when the real uneasiness is, lest measures that are not our favorite ones, should be adopted ? ' t The deep foundations of the Anti-Slavery caifce are those on which the universe rests. They it :',.' ' preserve the stars from wrong; And the most ancient heavens, thro' these, arc fresh a J strong.' But there is a shallower and more technical that it i3 bounded on every side by other morel considerations, and that there are many with r.hich it is inseparably mingled, as the web with the. woof. When 1 have seen abolitionists shrink from the examination of any subject bearing collaterally on the .cause, or comprehended within its limits when I have heard them contend that we should but vaste time in defending freedom of discussion ; or that a question as to the eligibility of women, or of persons of color, to membership and ils rights and duties, in our associations, was irrelevant: or that the admission of works of fic tiou; tile use of the products of slave labor should never de debated or that the discussion of the practice of supporting our principles by fire and sword, should be silenced ; or that any of the numerous points in jurisprudence, theology or lnet-aphys ics which touch our canse, should be avoided I have deemed I witnessed as unfortunate a movement as his would be, who, in projecting a rail-road through the land, should make a circuit at every intervening obstacle. Not tuch should be the habit of soul, of those who would ' make straight in the desert a high-way fer our God." The enlarged soul and enlightened intellect sees in the policy which shrinks from boundary questions, and withdraws the spiritual vision from "looking forward to the things which are before," no greater evidence of wisdom than, he exhibits who sunders the locomotive from the train. Our principles owe their mighty power to this: that they are infinite, eternal, and unchangeable ; the proper and only means of spiritual renewal to that part of us which is immortal. May we be so penetiatea anu cnngnteneu dv mem, mat we lall shrink as from self-destruction, from the at tempts men call on us to make, to destroy their essence, that they may have a nominal existence in narrow and selfish hearts. While we labor diligently to occupy every inch of the temporal territory of the cause, let us not forget that the high spiritual ground, commands the low country, Lotus entrench on the hill-lop, nearest Heaven. We have talked much, and justly, if not effectually, in reprobation of the disgraceful conduct of clergymen, statesmen and legislators. We have told them what, in our judgment, they ought to do. The time has now come to tell them what we will do. If each member of your meeting should become pledged TO-DAY, U rote for NO MAN to fill any office who is not AN ABOLITIONIST to listen to NO PREACHER who is not AN ABOLITIONIST to belong to NO CllfJ RCH which gives its sanction to slaveholding, to pay the annual appropriations till voie given in support of a pro-slavery church and ministry, into the treasury of the God of the po&r arid enslaved to withdraw the childhood and youth cf the land, as far as one person may,) frcw the evil com-nmnirrttions and teachings of such men v Dr, Wayland ; if the spirits that compose yoar meeting to-day should Income quick and mighty, even to the dividing asunder, would not llie praise and the dread of you shake the land, and tyranny rnell away from beneath your gaze, its ice funn the sun-stroke ? Fear not to lose even in numbers, by the most elevated course. Not until wo he up, shall we draw all men us. In conclusion, I pray God to crown vour assem bly with all spiritual benediction ; to make-vou quick to see and embrace the right ; to Mrengthen you to resist every temptation to Mcritice any rout thing to the semblance of union. If a principle or a measure pertain essentially to right, it may not s

What members have found on this page

Get access to

  • The largest online newspaper archive
  • 20,000+ newspapers from the 1700s–2000s
  • Millions of additional pages added every month

Try it free