Chicago Tribune from Chicago, Illinois on September 1, 1995 · Page 139
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Chicago Tribune from Chicago, Illinois · Page 139

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Friday, September 1, 1995
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Chicago Tribune, Friday, September 1, 1995 Section 1 27 Law schools must lead legal profession back to its roots "First thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers." Shakespeare By David T. Link W even greater. hatever the outcome of the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, one thing seems certain: Contempt for lawyers be they tailor-made defense attorneys or hard-charging prosecutors will grow Lawyers have not always been held in low public esteem. Believe it or not, the legal profession began as one of the classic healing professions, and lawyers brought healing to societal rifts, whether these were disputes among neighbors or large-scale human rights violations. In fact the famous quote from Shakespeare is not a criticism of lawyers, but actually is the greatest possible compliment The scene from "Henry VF' (Part ID concerns the planning of an evil revolution a takeover of power by Cades and his companion, Dick the Butcher, for their own greedy purposes. Dick the Butcher, recognizing the one group of people that might save the citizenry's property and rights, says: 'The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers." The lawyers, in other words, were the potential enemies of the despots. We see this played out in history, Hitler's first move was to subordinate the rule of law and the legal profession. The same thing happened in Vietnam at the time of the communist takeover of Saigon. Fidel Castro, as his first official act after the revolution in Cuba, closed Havana Law School, the very institution at which he had been educated. Theatrical and real despots have long seen the potential for the legal profession to represent the rights of the people and maintain a For the most part, people interviewed by the American Bar Association saw lawyers as simply hired guns men and women in the business of selling their services to the highest bidder; legal manipulators willing to do anything for which they are sufficiently compensated. rule of law and order rather than a rule of power. Times, unfortunately, have changed. The image of the legal profession is at an all-time low (even Congress has more credibility). An American Bar Association committee on which I served found that the primary reason for this lack of trust was the belief by many that lawyers lack ethics. For the most part, people we interviewed saw lawyers as simply hired guns men and women in the business of selling their services to the highest bidder; legal manipulators willing to do anything for which they are sufficiently compensated. This is a serious indictment, and one that must be addressed by the profession at large and, more specifically, by those of us in legal education. If we cannot restore faith in the legal profession, we will have a most difficult time maintaining the rule of law. How best to restore this faith? We can and should begin with a commitment to ethics in the training of our lawyers. It is incumbent upon our nation's law schools to develop lawyers who believe their primary responsibility is to bring about justice and peace between litigants, rather than strive for monstrous-sized verdicts; who put a greater emphasis on the beginning rather than the end of the Aristotelian formula "Do good and avoid evil." A commitment to ethics in legal education cannot begin and end with a single course, or even a series of courses. Ethics is not just an appendage to law, it is at the very heart of the matter, and must become part and parcel of the entire program. While continuing to produce highly competent and compassionate lawyers, legal educators re obligated to introduce and integrate ethics into each area of our curriculum. The professor in corporations law, in addition to teaching the substance and procedure of a securities transaction, should also discuss the ethical dilemmas posed by that situation. The trial advocacy professor must explore the immorality of badgering a witness, and the arbitration instructor should emphasize fairness to all parties. In order to develop a new kind of lawyer, ethical considerations must be at the core of law colleges and schools. That means different student recruiting and admissions systems designed to attract young women and men with strong leadership potential and moral anchors. It means hiring faculty who are committed to emphasizing ethics, social justice and peace, as well as conveying information about law. It means developing a curriculum that has moral philosophy and social justice as its heart and soul, while also assuring high competency in the law. In short it means a return to the roots of the legal profession as one of healing. David T. Link is dean of the University of Notre Dame Law School. How's he doin'? Buchanan finished a strong third in the Iowa straw poll. He stole the show at Ross Perot's United We Stand America convention. A recent Manchester Union-Leader poll showed Buchanan in 2nd place among New Hampshire Republicans. Buchanan took 37 percent of the New Hampshire vote in 1992 against President Bush. He was endorsed by the Union-Leader and he's a good bet to get the influential paper's backing again. Illustration by Konstantin Valov Can Buchanan take center stage? The Republicans must have a death wish. Here they have a perfectly serviceable front-runner for president in Sen. Bob Dole, and they're restless. He's too old. Too staid. Too moderate. After the supposedly meaningless Iowa straw poll two weeks ago in which Dole tied with Sen. Phil Gramm, a survey done for three Iowa TV stations showed Dole's support plunging. His backing has dropped in two months from just over half of Iowa Republicans to just over one-third. So, Republicans are looking at the alternatives. Are they interested in a friendly moderate who could capture the middle and beat President Clinton without breaking a sweat? No, the moderates hardly show up on the screen. If the Republicans dismiss Dole, they're going to turn hard right. It even looks like Phil "I was a conservative before conservative was cool" Gramm won't be enough on the edge for them. Gramm might be cool, but Patrick Buchanan is getting hot. Gramm tied Dole in the Iowa straw vote, where anyone from anywhere could cast a ballot as long as they paid $25. (Only Iowans can make vote-buying look wholesome.) " ' But nearly all the candidates imported voters from out of state, and Gramm nearly perfected the art. Officials of the giant Midwestern meatpacking firm IBP Inc. sent a memo to supervisors at their facilities in three states encouraging them to board Gramm-supplied buses and vote in the poll. Gramm's wife, Wendy, is on the board of IBP. Buchanan finished a strong third in that straw poll and Iowa Republicans say almost all of his voters were home-grown Iowans. Although most leaders of the Christian Coalition in Iowa are backing either Gramm or Dole, their followers aren't following them they're flocking to Buchanan. "I don't think Buchanan has the first-tier Christian Coalition types, but he has a lot of the troops," said Steve Roberts, a Republican National Committee member from Des Moines who backs Dole. "He has the more conservative element of the Republican Party in Iowa, those who are dedicated to going to caucuses." Buchanan stole the show at Ross Perot's United We Stand America convention in August. A Manchester Union-Leader poll this summer showed Buchanan in 2nd place among New Hampshire Republicans. Buchanan took 37 percent of the New Hampshire vote in 1992 against President Bush. He was endorsed by the Union-Leader and he's a good bet to get the influential paper's backing again. Which gets back to that death wish. Could the Republicans really nominate Buchanan for president? Maybe the Republicans have already forgotten Buchanan's scary speech at the GOP convention in 1992, where he said there is "a religious war going on in this country for the soul of America." His venom helped push a lot of people into the R. Bruce Dold Democratic camp in 1992. Hand Buchanan the GOP nomination, and Bill Clinton goes from a floundering incumbent to the voice of reason and sanity. Maybe Republicans do remember that convention show; maybe they've just forgotten how they let him get to the stage. The GOP mainstream was outhustled by the party's most conservative elements early in the campaign, and even though Buchanan never matched his New Hampshire showing in another state, he made enough of an impact and stuck around long enough that he had to be accommodated at the convention. Buchanan is being a little more careful not to frighten people this time out He's lining up troops from the religious Right with his cultural crusade, particularly his vow to be "the most pro-life president" in history. But his broader appeal comes from a message of economic nationalism. Unlike most Republicans, he rails against free trade. He says he'll impose a five-year moratorium on all immigration and erect a security fence on the U.S.Mexico border. Rep. William Lipinski, a social-conservative Democrat says the speech at the Perot convention convinced him that Buchanan will do well with disaffected voters. "He's opposed to our general trade policy, which blue-collar Democrats see as costing us jobs in this country and reducing the standard of living of the American middle class," Lipinski said. "Ninety percent of the speech, I would have had no trouble giving myself. Ten percent he gets too extreme." Ah, that 10 percent. He might be trying to soften the pitch, but Buchanan's is no Reaganesque, comforting, big-tent conservatism. It's filled with poison. The victim could be the GOP itself. If the Republican primaries hold true to form, Dole will survive. Although Bush got scares from Pat Robertson in 1988 and from Buchanan in 1992, he eventually cruised to the nomination. But it's Clinton in the White House, and Buchanan helped him in no small measure with his harsh primary campaign and convention speech. This time, he might not disappear when the convention is over. Buchanan has said that he will support the GOP nominee, but he has toyed with the idea of a third-party campaign. He even has a party ready to back him. Conservative Caucus Chairman Howard Phillips, who appeared on the 1992 ballot in 21 states as the candidate of the U.S. Taxpayers Party, wants Buchanan to be his party's candidate in 1996. The Republicans have five months to prop up Bob Dole and turn the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary into coronations. If they don't Buchanan, one way or another, might bury the party. r 'Ml wmMX- gL iLl "Ifl iIfl' Ifllp ' w The world has learned how to put people to work ASHINGTON The most important fact in the world of work and development this Labor Day was expressed to me in a recent talk with Sven Sandstrom, the Swedish-bora ' managing director of the World Bank. X "There are really no good excuses anymore for countries not succeeding," he said. "A lot of it depends upon good governance and management. The lessons are now there. "We know the elements of good development strategy because the successes of the last 20 years have been amazing. Per capita incomes in the world have doubled in the last 20 to 30 years it Georgie Anne Geyer took even the U.S. 40 years to double its incomes when it was a young country. It took the United Kingdom 60 years to do so between 1780 and 1840. And in the last generation life expectancy has been increased by 50 percent with infant mortality cut by half even in Africa." How has this been done? 'The theme we emphasize is a combination of economic reform and investing in people," he explained, sitting in the beautiful bank offices in downtown Washington. "When I'm looking at success stories around the world, those two factors are the critical ones. That is what they've done in Asia in Japan, South Korea, China . . . "When we look at some of the failures of development, we find they have emphasized only one or the other." These extraordinary changes, in terms of labor and production over these last three decades, are astonishing, for the world essentially knows what it never knew before: how to put people to work. The first step has been taken. In the turbulence and energization of the end of World War II and the consequent decolonization of scores of countries, millions of human beings were released; not only from physical oppression but from the J static thinking of traditional societies. Before this, the vast majority of people in the world lived never expecting the slightest improvement in their lives. Suddenly, they did expect it. ' We are now in the middle of the second ' v step and it is a treacherous one indeed. Across'-the world, large numbers of human i ' , i beings perhaps now a majority of people expect better lives. They are thoroughly uprooted from j their old, static lives, giving the world a sense of tension it has never before had. But how did the world to respond to these ,,. tethered energies so suddenly released? What , , kinds of politics and development strategies could be forged to absorb such unparalleled demands?, ,j( The first answers were not happy ones. ',. Africa suffered from a plague of self-indulgent and brutal post-colonial dictators; much of the Third World became only pawns in the great game of communism versus democracy; and in the post; Cold War world, as ideological centers dissolved ' and collapsed, whole peoples (in Yugoslavia, for instance) sought refuge in their ethnic pasts, spurred on always by unscrupulous men of 1 consummate political ambition. ' 1 And yet certain countries were also beginning1 to sort out for themselves with aid from serious -j; international organizations such as the World Bank, with its 176 member nations what worked". Development had become the new politics of this', world in which those vast numbers of laboring .j' humankind no longer accepted but expected! ' At first it was the Pacific Rim countries that .i ; borrowed quite deliberately from what until then: had been the Western European and particularly the American experience. They took Western capitalism and adapted it to economies that ha,d more central control and planning but which, with time, gave way to ever more individual initiative5 and innovation. And they invested in people (Sandstrom's second point) so that, for instance, today's hard-working and educated Korean worker has one of the r; highest per capita incomes in the world ($10,000 per person per year), in an economy that is the.,-, world's 12th largest, and in a rapidly developing ;,-democratic system. . ' But the good news for workers and, indeed,' v everybody this fall is that the successful ' strategies from development have spread still ' farther from their roots in Europe and America " and their "proving ground" in the Pacific Rim.' . Chile, Oman, Tunisia: One sees success stories' in 1 every region. The problem for development today is not the '' rational know-how of economists. The probleni li' what poets and theologians have long despairingly written and spoken of: the insatiable greed for'.1' power. But at least, this Labor Day, we can say to an v awakened world something we could not say even 25 years ago: We know how to do it now it's tip to you. i: j Universal Press SyntlWate David Shribman is taking the day off. Cryptograph Each letter in the following quotation stands for '. another letter. The person pictured is either the . source or subject of the quote. Solution is below. Bob Johnson and Mary Margoltes IJKC XL'DXHJK ' ) V CXOFK .J F X O N X D F W I W H B X O C O V D G O V N 1) VV X D N K XZZ UWVTZC W X M K A K K () HO XOVDWKJ A T li El O K I' L" . " B H W XHZ A X ,1 R I W OHCVM rv.r

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