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The Philadelphia Inquirer from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania • Page 2

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THE PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER, WEDNESDAY. JANUARY 16. 1861. rnnADELPHU. weexesday, jan.

ic. interfering with slavery in the States, except by tha unanimous vote of the States. He was also willing to remove the agitation on the territorial question by admitting New Mexico as a State in accordance witlj the recommendation of the Committee of Thirty-three. Mr. Rust as a member of that committee, protested that no such recommeudatioa had been made by that committee.

He did not understand that anything had been approved by that committee. On a direct vote he believed they repudiated what purported to be a report. Mr. Stanton then concluded his remark. Mr.

A drain (N. in the course of his speech: said he nid not believe the whole South were so disaffected to the Federal Union as to drag down and trample under foot American liberty. If tie Union, as to be dissolved it would not be done without au effort ou the part of all patriotic men to prevent it by all constitutional means. The people of the North, will defendit to the last, while hoping for its preservation. He urged that it was the duty of every one to al'ay, and not excite the leeling, aud not add fuel to the lire now intensely burning.

In glancing at political events he said that if a popular sovereignty candidate had been nominated at the Charleston Convention, and voted for by the Democrats Nortu and South, the country would now be united. As to Mr. Lincoln he had as much right to regard slayery as an evil as Southern men have to think it a blessing of the highest type of civilization. Mr. Likcoln, he proceeded to show, is a conservative man, from whom the South will have nothing to fear.

He made, ia conclusion, a patriotic appeal, declaring for concession and compromise, atia against secession, which he said, could not and must not be tolerated. The doctrine of peaceful secession was utterly fallacious and was never dreamed of bythose who fiamed the Constitution. He intended to rise above his party, and devote himself to his country. Mr. Anderson (Mo.) could assure the gentlemen that there is an irrevocable determination on the part of the slaveholding States to have the shivery agitation quieted and definitely settled.

The Soutn had submitted to Northern aggressions for years. If these were not redressed and removed, the Southern States will absolve themselves from the present Urion. The Southern warnings have been regarded as idle threats, while assaults have been made on Southern institutions, which the Republicans have avowed their unalterable determination to destroy. His section of the Union had never asked or demanded more than its Constitutional rights, bat they demand au eouality of rights and privileges He favored a meeting of the Border States at an early day to take into consideration their future course, and said that in his opinion the Gulf States were too precipitate. There should have been concert and union between all the Slave States, all having common interests.

Common respect demanded that all should have been consulted before any one State should have venture I on the responsibility of secession. He appealed to Northern men to ield amendments to the Constitution, so as to prevent anarchy and bloodshed, and restore peace. Mr. Gaknett (Va.) obtained the floor, when tha Committee rose and the House ad.ourned. can be entrusted with their own political destinies; and the deliberate expression of their will should furnish the rule of conduct to their representatives in official station.

Thus appreciating their liberal capacity for self-government, and alive to the importance of preserving, pure and unsullied as it came from the hands of the Apostles of Liberty, this vital principle, I pledge myself to stand between it and encroachments, whether instigated by hatred or ambition, by fanaticism or foil.v. The Tolicy of Our Government. The policy that should regulate the administration of the government of our State, was declared by its founders, and is fully established by experience. It is just and fraternal in its aims, liberal in its spirit, and patriotic in its progress. The freedom of speech and of the press, the right of conscience and of private judgment in civil and religious faith, are the high, prerogatives to which the American citizen is born In our social organization the rich and the poor, the high and the low, enjoy these equally, and the Constitution and the laws in harmony therewith, protect the rights tif all.

The intelligence of the people is one of the main pillars of the fabric of our government, and the highest hopes of the patriot, for its safety rests on enlightened public morality and virtue. Our system of Common Schools will ever enlist Bay earnest solicitude. For its growing wants the most ample provision should be made by the Legislature. I feel that I need not urge this duty. Tlie system has been gaining in strength and usefulness for a quarter of a century, until it has silenced opposition by its beneficial fruits.

It has at times languished for want of just appropriations, from changes and amendments of the law, and, perhaps, from inefficiency in its administration; but it has surmounted every difficulty, and i3 now regarded by the enlightenod and patriotic of evtry political faith as the great bulwark of safety "for our free institutions. The manner in which this subject is presented to the Legislature, by my immediate predecessor, in his annual message, fully harmonizes with public sentiment: and his recommendation for aid to the Farmers' High School of Pennsylvania meets my most cordial approbation. Invited to the rich prairie lands of the West, where the labor of the husbandman is simple and uniform, when population has filled our valleys, it passes away from our highland soils where scientific culture is required to reward labor by bringing fruitf alness and plenty out of comparative sterility. While individual libcrility has done much for an institution that is designed to educate the farmer of the State, the School languishes for want of public aid. An experience of two years has fully demonstrated that the institution can Ikj made self-sustaining; and it requires no aid from the State except for the completion of the buildings in accordance with the original design.

A liberal appropriation for the purpose would be honorable to the Legislature and a just r3COgnition of a system of public instruction that is of the highest importance to the State in the development of our wealth, the growth of our population and the prosperity of our greajt agricultural interests. Finances of the State. The State having been wisely relieved of the management of the public improvements by their sale, the administration the government is greatly simplified, its resources are certain and well understood, and the amount of the public debt is definitely ascertained A rigid economy in all its various departments and a strict accountability from all public officers, are expected by our people, and they shall not be disappointed. Now that the debt of the State is in course of steady liquidation, by the ordinary means of the treasury, all unnecessary expenditures of the public money must be firmly resisted, so that the gradual diminution of the indebtedness shall not be interrupted. To promote the prosperity of the people and the power of the Commonwealth, by increasing her financial resources, by a liberal recognition of the vast interests of our commerce, by husbanding our means and diminishing the burdens of taxation and of debt, will be the highest objects of my ambition, and all the energy of ray administration will be directed to the accomplishment of these results.

The Pardoning Power. The pardoning power is one of the most important and delicate powers conferred upon the Chief Magistrate by the Constitution, and it 6heuld always be exercised with great caution, and never except on the most conclusive evidence that it is due to the condemned, and that the public security will not be prejudiced by the act. When such applications are presented to the Executive, it is due to society, to the administration of justice, and to all interested, that public notice should be given. By the adoption of such a regulation imposition will be prevented and just efforts will be strengthened. Necessity of General Incorporation Laws.

The association of capital and labor, under acts of incorporation, where the purposes to be accomplished are beyond the reach of individual enterprise, has long been the policy of the State, and has done much to advance the prosperity of the people. Where the means of the citizens are mode rate, as they generally arc in a new and growing country, and where the concentration of the capital of many is necessary to development and progress, such associations, when judiciously restricted, confer large benefits on the State. The vast resources of Pennsylvania, and the variety of her mechanical and other industrial pursuits, invite capital and enterprise from abroad, which, on every sound principle of political economy, should be encouraged. Much of the time of the legislature is consumed by applications for special chartered privileges which might be saved by the enactment of general laws and by such amendment to our general mining and manufacturing laws as will remove needless and burthensome restraints, and at the same time afford ample protection to capital and labor, and to the community at large. Our books are full of acts of incorporation conferring special privileges, various as they are numerous, dissimilar in their grants of power, and unequal in their liabilities and restrictions.

Well considered and judicious general laws tu meet all classes of corporations, would remedy the evil, economise time and money, relieve the Legislature from the constant pressure for undue privileges, and be just and equal to all in their administration. The Veto Power. The veto power conferred upon the Executive was given with much hesitation, and not without serious apprehensions as to its abuse, by the fram-ers of our organic law. It is, in my judgment, to be used with the greatest caution, and only when legislation is manifestly inconsiderate, or of more than doubtful constitutionality. The legislators, chosen as they are directly by the people, in such a manner that a fair expression of their views of IKAUGUKATIOX OF GOV.

CURTLW SCENES JVJXT) INCIDENTS. THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS, Scc. The Inauguration of Governor Curtis took place at Harrishurfr yesterday. The night preceding the inauguration day was a Etormy one. For several days snow had been falling, which finally turned into rain.

In the midst of this descending shower, the military company of Ilarrisburg, which had beea detailed to receive the guests, marched to the depots of the difftrent railroads. Their success was only partial, for the visitors were comparatively few in number. Those who did arrive were escorted to their hotels, and left to enjoy themselves in the best manner possible. Mars is sometimes hilarious, and it is no wender that many of the flaming red and blue coats encompassed very noisy specimens of valor. All had a good time, however, and anxiously anticipated the coming morrow.

That morrow brought with it a clear sky, and a cool air. It brought with it crowds of people from Cumberland, Lebanon, and all the adjoining counties. It thronged Coverly's Hotel, (the stopping place of Gov. Curtin), with a mass of patriots. It brought the merry jingle of 6leigh bells, and the music of the drum and fife in the public streets.

It brought a never-tOrbe-forgotten troop of horsemen from Lykens Valley, and many flags and uniforms. It witnessed the display of an immense number of strange faces, sorrowful, cheerful, stupid, intelligent, and knavish, and in stray corners and strange places, its light fell upon many revellers of the night before. As the day wore on, the massive cannon at the Arsenal wa uncovered, and a detailed force arranged the preliminaries for a salute to the Governor elect. The grand rush of the people was to the street in which the military were to form. This was Market street, the principal business thoroughfare.

Major-General Wm. II. Keim wa3 in command. The volunteers looked well, despite of the long railroad krides and the troubles which they had endured. The country companies had evidently brightened up their uniforms for the occasion.

Many of the men were hard-fisted sons of toil the bone and sinew of the land and the elements of national and State defence. They represented all political parties, and not any partisan administration. It was nearly eleven o'clock when the companies took up line of march, and proceeded to the residence of Governor Packer. From this point they the Jones House, the abiding place of Gov. Ccrtix.

Having received the distinguished they went by a short route to the Capitol. There is really but little to be said of the march around the city. The streets, which afforded good sleighing, were in bad order for pedestrians. The procession stretched itself out to the fullest extent, and was the object of admiration of many groups. It would not be truthful to say that the residences were lined," but they TO certainly well lied.

The procession consisted cf thirteen companies. The carriages were five in number, the first containing the two Governors and Messrs. Irvix and Smith, of the Committee of Arrangements. The remainder were occupied by the heads of departments, etc. The Lykens Valley Cavalry formed an escort to the Governors.

Upon reaching the Capitol the two Governors entered the portico. The spot is an admirable one for the purpese. The portico fronts the Susquehanna. There are many houses intervening, tut the elevation of the building is such, that from its steps the eye can take in a wide panorama. The Gap in the mountains is visible to the north, and the mountains themselves, covered with white, loom up in magnified proportions, although actually fire miles distant.

Two immense bridges span the stream, and many islands obstruct its course, as it winds to the south, jammed with floating ice and snow. Such Is a partial view from the spot chosen for the inauguration ceremony. The lawn in front of the portico was occupied by spectators, the impress of whose many feet beat the snow with which it was covered into a mass as hard as ice. Men, women and children stood upon this cold floor during the proceedings, and through the half hour required for Governor Curtin to deliver his inaugural Address. Under the arrangements, none but public officers, legislators and reporters were admitted into the pcitico.

The Washington Artillerists, of Pottsville, acted as a guard of honor, and preserved much order as was possible under the circumitances. The retiring and incoming Governors having seated themselves in front of the portico, in full view of the assembled people, the proceedings commenced. A prayer was delivered by Rev. Mr Catiell. He invoked the blessing of God upon the person who had been chosen to preside over the destinies of this great Commonwealth, and prayed that divisions in our land might be healed.

He concluded with the Lord's Prayer. After a short interval, Mr. Palmer, Speaker of the Senate, presented himself, and announced that it became his duty to administer the oath of office to the Chief Executive. The oath was then administered in the following -words You do swear, by Almighty God, tho Mr. Ckitten-den said, what do I want with a railroad when I see the country ready to dwindle down into petty Bepublics.

I feel more like hidinsr my face than engaging in matters tending towards the great object of saving the Union. All matters are trifles alongside of saving the country. Why leave the Union to totter aud reel at such a moment. Mr. Gwis called for the yeas and nays on 1 Mr.

Bkagg's motion toamend the end of section nrsr.Dy adding "nor until said acts of incorporation shall have been submitted to, and approved by the congress of the United States." Carried yeas 31, nays 15 Yeas. Messrs. Bavard, Benjamin, Brag, Bright, Clark, Clingman, Crittenden, Doolittle, Durkee. Fessendcn, Fitch, Green, Grimes, Hunter, Johnson Kennedy, King, Lane, Mson, Nicholson, i'earce, Polk, Pai ell. l'ugh, liice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Simmons.

Slidell, TeuEyck and llkinson 31. a vs. Messrs.lJaker, Bingham, Cameron. Chandler, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Gwin, Harlan, Latham, Seward, Sumner. Wade, Wigfall and Wilson la.

Mr. Benjamin offered an amendment, prohibiting the company from acting in the capacity of bankers, or to ciiculate their paper as money. Mr. Bragg offered an amendment to limit the time of the corporation, but afterwards withdrew it. Mr.

Benjamin offered an amendment to strike out the words "the majority of such grantees admitted as associates," and insert "it shall chose associates with them and become with thc-m subscribers and corporators, as hereinafter provided." Mr. Seward (N. called for the yeas and nays, pending Which, on motion of Mr. essenden, the Senate adjourned. During the proceedings, Mr.

Crittenden moved to postpone the Pacific Kailway bill to take up his joint resolution. Mr. Sumner called for the yeas and nays, and the motion was negatived by the following vote: Yeas. Messrs. Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, Fitch, Green, Hemphill, John-sou Kennedy, Lane, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, l'ugh, Itice, Saulsbury and Slidell 21.

r. Nays. Messrs. Anthonv. Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark.

Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, FTsler, Grimes, Givin, ii.i. ii, iii.m fimrin! Simmons. Sumner. jiuie, iitiiaii. xn.

1 11 i in v. a A a. awA Wilkinson 2ii. 11U XJ Iiuiuuuu, House of Representatives. Among other preliminary business, Mr.

Harris (Md.) presented a memorial, signed by 12,000 citizens of Baltimore, irrespective of party, praying for the adoption of the Crittenden Compromise. He said if it was the desire to tranquilie the public mind, it could not be done more effectually than by the adoption of that measure. Laid on the table. The House went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union on the Army Appropriation bill. Mr.

Reagan (Texas) said he had come hither with the hope that such measures might be brought forward by those who have the power to control the question, as would ensure the South of its future security. The Republicans have held sullenly back, and declared that thev have no terms of peace to oner. In view of such facts, four States have already gone out of the Union, and others are rapidly following them. Unless something is done before the fourth of March to arrest this movement, we will see but few Southern States in the Union. The irrepressible conflict had culminated too soon for its author, aud behold the result.

They meant humiliation and desolation to the South, or dissolution of the Union, and they have reached that logical end. lie proceeded to show the condition of the negroes. No portion of the world could compare as favorably in its blessings as those of our own. Would the North, if thev were freed, acceptthem as freemen? No! Tou would fight the South with all your energy and power against such an influx and vet you demand that the South shall liberate four millions ot slaves, break up thtir social order, and commercial and political prospects, and yet retain the negro element among us. 1 011 never consider the relative position of the two races, and what is to be the end of your conduct.

He spoke ot the destruction to manufactures and commerce which would be produced by the abolition of slavery. The cry of treason had been raised against certain States, and the blockade of their ports threatened. But if this be attempted, those concerned will, like a famous general, find a fire in the front as well as the rear. He knew of no Southern State that asked more than its Constitutional rights, and, as far as Texas is concerned, she is unalterably determined never to submit to less: and if she cannot get her rights in the Union, she will have them out of it. The Northern Stares have done nothing to show the Southern States that they shall have security in the Union, because, to give Southerners their Constitutional rights would be to disband the Republican partv.

But. by a violation of the Constitution, they ere enabled to make war on the South. In reviewing parts of Mr. McClerxand'S! spetch, Mr. Reagan said, that we accept independence with all its consequences, rather than base submission and eternal ruin.

Mr. McCleuna-d(111.) replied that he belonged to a Union partv, was against extremes, aud preferred standingbv the Constitution. Mr. Reagan said that he knew the gentleman's position, and asked him to consider what had brought the South to its present condition. If their rights had not been denied, no voice of disunion whould have teen raised.

He referred to the history of Texas, and the means by which she won her independence, and spoke of the recent alleged insurrection in that State. Mr. Stanton (O felt constrained to vindicate the Methodists from Mr. Reagan's charge, and said that to attribute to that large and resectable society a wide-spread organization for the purpose of stirring up insurrection among the slaves was a libel on that society at large. Mr.

Reagan explained. He did not wish it to be understood that the insurrections were inaugurated by that society as a body, but only by members of it in Texas. Mr. stastox resumed. Tie said that he had no doubt that a large portion of that society believe that African slavery is unwise, unchristian, immoral, and wherever they may be found they will carry that belief with them, but it does not therefore follow that that thev will organize in order to stir up insurrec- tinn tnH vom 'I'ha cnaofli tt' tiio iron t1im nil frnm Texas was extraordinary.

While asking tor measures of conciliation from the Republican side to avoid civil war and disunion, yet he says that the party which had just elected the President can only preserve itself bv the destruction of the Government, lie would inform the gentleman that the principles on which this Government was founded cannot be surrendered under any threat of civil war, and if the principles of the Republican party are not to be vindicated historically, and as consecrated by the fathers of the republic then he should be prepared to abandon and surrender the organization of that party. He was ready here to maintain that the Republican party has no purpose, principle or policy not sanctioned by the Republican fathers. rom this position the Republicans could not be driven. He was utterly astonished to hear Mr. Reagan assume, as a conceded proposition, that the Republican party was organized on the idea of the utterextinction of slavery the South.

Now, he knew of no Republican who looks to that organization as designed, directly or indirectly, at present or in the future, to interfere in the remotest degree with slavery in the States. He laid down the great distinguishing features of the two political organizations. The Republicans hold that African slavery is a local institution, dependent on local State laws, and cannot exist beyond the limits of the State by whose virtue it is established. The Democrats hold that African slavery is a national institution and exists everywhere by virtue.of the Constitution, when not prohibited by State lawa. All our difficulties arise out of these differences.

If gentlemen desire tho peaceful separation of the States and a Southern Confederacy, they ought to know that it cannot be accomplished by the mode adopted. He did not believe that the Government can be permanently held together by military force, and for the reason that one portion would ultimately eubjugate the ether, which was against the genius of the age. But gentlemen must see that secession must inevitably bring on civil war. If we have a Government at all, so long as it remains operative its laws must dc executed. During the proceedings Mr.

Crawford said, in reply to a remark of Mr. Stanton, that Georgia had seized the forts because they were intended for her protection and defence, and taken all the responsi- Mr. Stanton said he understood that Georgia takes ou herself the inauguration of civil war, and makes no pretence of constitutional justification for her act. Mr. Hill said that Georgia has not seized any portion of the public property.

It was done by bauds of soldiery without authority. He disclaimed the act on the part of Georgia acting as a State. Cries of good, and slight applause from the Republican side. Mr. Crawford said that he and Mr.

Hill differed as far as the poles. He thought that the seizure of Forts Pulaski and Jackson were justified by a popular vote of forty thousand. Mr. Hill remarked that the seizure of these forts had not been authorized by the Legislature or a Convention of the people, lie stood by that. He had always been hoping for a peaceful solution, and hoped that the people of Georgia would find it; but he would say, once for all, that he had.

thought, from the beginning that such speeches as we have recently heard here, do not bring us nearer to a peaceful solution. In this remark he had been strengthened since yesUrday. Mr. Love (Ga.) thought that the positions occupied by both of his colleagues, Messrs. Crawford and Hill, were wrong, and he remarked that the fort ere seized by the orders of the Governor, as a defensive act, there being an alarm and a probability that the Government would Bend garrisons to the forts.

If the Convention of Georgia determines not to secede, the forts will be surrendered to the Government. Mr. Hardeman (Ga.) made a similar remark, adding that, it Georgia secedes, he was determined to sustain the Governor of that State in his act for weal or for woe. Mr. Stanton resuming, said If we garrison the forts the gentlemen ot the South say it coercion.

If we leave them weak, persona seize them and turn the guns against the constituted authorities of the country. He spoke of the delusions and misapprehensions existing at the South in regard to the policy of the Republicans. He ventured to say-that when the Republican Administration comes into power" it will act on the principles of Jefferson, Madison. Moxroe, Jackson, John CJtjincy Adams, and perhaps, those ot Polk. He did not believe the great mass of th South are disloyal.

The ravings of Garrison, Phillips, and otherjmen have had a bad effect. Such persons are uniting their hearts and bands with thos.e at Charleston, to overthrow the Government. Those ravings and utterances have been disseminated as expressive of the doctrine of the Republican party, and Southern people, ac tint-on this idea, resist the exercise ot the constitutional power and the laws. He was willing for an amendment to the Constitution, in order to remove a delusion, preventing the reeral ttOYeniineat; ttom eve ty millions of inhabitants. Our territory has been extended over new climates, including people with new interests and wants, and the Government has protected them all.

Everything requisite to the perpetuity of the Union and its expanding power, would seem to have been foreseen and provided for by the wisdom and sagacity of the framers of the Constitution. Amendment to the It is all Ave desire or hope for, and all that our fellow-countrymen who complain can reasonably demand. It provides that amendments may be proposed by and whenever the necessity to amend sfcall occur, the people of Pennsylvania will give to the amendments which Congress may propose, the careful and deliberate consideration which their importance may demand. Change is cot always progress, and a people who have lived so long, and enjoyed so much prosperity, who have so many sacred memories of the past, and such rich legacies to transmit to the future, should deliberate long and seriously bef jre they attempt to alter any of the fundamental principles of the great charter of our liberties. Duties to he Faithfully Discharged.

I assume the duties of this high office at the most trying period of our national history. The public mind is agitated by fears, suspicions and jealousies. Serious apprehensions of the future pervade the people. A preconcerted and organized effort has been made to disturb the stability of Government, dissolve the union of the Scates, and mar the symmetry and order of the noblest political structure ever devised and enacted by human wisdom. It shall be my earnest endeavor to justify the confidence which you have reposed in me, and to deserve your approbation.

The Reliance and Invocation. With the consciousness of the rectitude of my intentions, with no resentments to cherish, no enmities to avenge, no wish but the public good to gratify, and with a profound sense of the solemnity of my position, I humbly invoke the assistance of our Heavenly father, in whom alone is my dependence, that His strength may sustain and his wisdom guide me. With His divine aid, I shall apply mytelf faithfully and fearlessly to my responsible duties, and aoide the judgment of a generous people. Invoking the blessing of the God of our fathers upon our state and nation, it shall be the highest object of my ambition to contribute to the glory of the Commonwealth, maintain the civil anl religious privileges of the people, and promote the union, prosperity and happiness of the country. The procession then re-formed, and after escort-intr Governor Ccrti.v to his hotel, dismissed.

The different military participants left for their homes immediately. 1 mm-siXTH session. U. S. Capitol, Waphikotox, January 15.

Senate. Mr. Bayard presented a memorial from citizens of Delaware, without respect of partv. praying for the passage of the C'RiTTKiiDEX resolutions. He said that thoe resolutions were of a specitic character and import, and they embody no more than the public teutimt-ut of the slaveholding States will demand.

He added that he would vote for the resolutions, and will speak upon them next week. Mr. HiGLER(i'a.) presented a petition from citizens of Philadelphia, praying that peusions be granted to the mrvivors of the war of 1S12, and to the widows and children of thore who have died, or may hereafter die. Kei'erred to the Committee on Pension. Mr.

Seward (X.Y presented the memorial ot Samvel F. Mouse, the illustrious inventor of the magnetic electric telegraph, praying Congress for the extension ot one of the patents which constitute his title to the property in that great invention. He as-ks for the extension of the one that expires earlie-r, in order to protect his property. Keferred to the ommittee on Patents. Mr.

Seward also presented memorials from citizens of New York concerning the State of the Union. Mr. Kkxnedy (Md.) presented the memorial of citizens of Frederick county, Maryland, without regard to party, askiug the adoption of the Cbittex-iE resolutions. Mr. Cameron- (Pa.) presented a resolution, changing the name of tire steamboat John C.

Fremont, of Pittsburg, to the orfiow. Passed. Mr. BitiLKR (Pa presented eight memorials, praying that the propositions of Mr. be submitted as amendments to the Constitution.

Tabled lor the present. Mr. Wilson- (Mass.) moved to take up the resolutions proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Powell (Ky.) presented the proceedings of the Democratic Convention, held at Louisville, on the bth of January, containing a resolution favorable to Mr.

Crittenden's proposition. Mr. Hale(X. 11.) to receiving the paper, as it was not uirected to the Senate. Mr.

Pow ell said that the resolutions express attachment to the Union, and protest against coercion. Mr. Hale insisted on bis objection, and moved thut they be laid on the table. By special order, Mr. Crittenden's resolutions wore taken up.

Mr. Clark (X offered an amendment, striking out the preamble and the lin-t resolution, and insert a declaration that the provisions of the Constitution are amply sufficient for the preservation ot the Union. r. jRken. on taking the floor, said that the present Constitution, in its proviions, is good enough for the whole Union.

I hold that States have the right to secede. This is not the Government of a unit; it is a multiplication of units. Each State is a unit, and the whole Union is a multiplication of units. The county cannot secede from a state, because it has not the unit of sovereignty. A State has the right to go out us it came in.

and there is no power in the Government to punish the seceding States, as they are sovereign units. I am for immediate secession if my State is, and my State will be unless there be a revolution in orthern public sentiment. The further consideration of the resolution was postponed, the Pacific Kailroad bill being the special order. The Senate refused, by a vote of twelve yeas to thirty-eight nays, to postpone indefinitely the 1'aciuc Kailroad bill. YeaSj Messrs.

Bayard, r.enjamin. Bragg, Cling-man, Crittenden, Johnson, Lane, Mason, Pearce, liice, Saulsbury aud Slidell 12. Kays. Messrs. Atherton, Baker, Bigler, Bingham, Cameron, handler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doo-little, Douglas.

Durkee, Fessenden, Fitch, Foot, Fos-ter. Green. Grimes. Ciwin, Hall, Harlan, Hemphill, Johnson, Kennedy, King, Latham. Nicholson.

Polk. Pugh, Sebastian. Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Kyck, Trumbull. Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson as. Mr.

Bice (Minn.) objected to the proviso that the iron used in the construction of the road shall be of American manufacture. The price fixed for the cost should also be only 915,000 a mile from Lake Superior to tlie Kocky Mountains. There is not a clause in the bill which binds the stockholders in anything whatever. Mr. Gwix (Cal.) said that bis constituents were in favor of the bill, and were willing to take anything that was presented.

By this tjjll the Government has a first mortgage on the road. Within twelve months after the bill becomes a law the greatest obstacle will be overcome, and we will have a road to the Sierra Nevada and the Washoe niiues. Mr. Lane (Oregon) said this is an objectionable bill, and this is not the time to pass a Pacific Kailroad bill. Let ns first take up the Crittenden resolutions, and by their passage remove the real difficulties that environ the nation and restore peace.

Mr. Uwix (Cal.) said that he was in favor of both the Pacific Kailroad and of Mr. Cbittesdes's resolutions. Mr. Baker (Oregon) said that he was going to vote for the bill without any alterations.

Mr. Wilson (Mass.) would oppose any reference that might be asked. This is as good a time as any other to consider the bill. We still have a government for the United States of America, and he saw nothing that has transpired in any portion of the country that prevents our being the Kepublic of the United States. He was for this Dill, and was willing to have either a Northern or a Southern road, or both and we might make some alterations in the bill.

The people of the Pacific coast are more deeply interested in it than those of the Atlantic, but most probably the road would be in charge of the railway kings, it such they may be called, gjlr. Ten Evck said that thishneasure was of vast importance to mankind. He favored the Pacific Kailroad, and government aid in constructing it, but could not favor three roads as is proposea in the Senate amendment to the House bill. He could not iavor two roads as proposed by the House bill, nor favor a double termination but he would favor one road beginning somewhere near the point indicated bv the amendment proposed by the Senator from Missouri, and which was carried in the Senate, running nearly parallel as possible with the line to San Francisco, lie would act in the matter as though individually disposing of my own funds. If the States of the Valley of the Mississippi and those of the Pacific States conflict, it was too much to ask millions of the Atlantic States.

Mr. Bragg (N. advocated the placing of a mortgage on the road suiheient to protect the United States. We must refer the corporators to the territories and States respectively for acta of incorpora- 31 r. Lane (Oregon) asked time for further consideration, and moved te postpone in order to take up the Crittenden resolutions.

Mr. win said that it would facilitate legislation by finishing one matter at a time. Mr. Crittenden (Ky.) said that we were providing for future generations and when the country was in danger. Save the Union first, (applause in the galleries )and then vote the Pacific Kailway.

It is a solemn thing to legislate now, when the nation trembles. We are at a point between life and death. What is thin railway bill compared with the resolutions which will give peace tt this distracted country? What eoit of intelligence is this to go out to the country? 1 will vote for no railroad while the country remains it the condition it now is. Jn regard to this railroad, it must also be considered that the expenses are to come out of the public treasury. It is neces-tary to connect the different portions ot this vast empiie, but until my resolutions are disposed of, I shall vote agfiir.st the bill.

Mr. Gwim said he would with pleasure vote for all at any time. I must stand by the Pacific. Mr. Simmons (K.

said that he would favor any measure to carry the public business through in a proper manner. -y whether the Government of the United States embodies the prerogatives, rights and "powers of sovereignty, or merely represents, for specific purposes, a multitude of independent communities, confederated in a league which any one of them may dissolve at will, is now placed directly before the American people. Unhappily, this question is not presented in the simple form of political discussion, but complicated with the passions and jealousies of impending or actual conflict. The President Elect. There is nothing in the lire of Mr.

Lincoln, nor in any of his acts or declarations before or since his election, "to warrant the apprehension that his Administration will be unfriendly to the local institutions of any of the States No sentiments but those of kindness and conciliation have been expressed or entertained by the constitutional majority which elected him; and nsthing has occurred to justify the excitement which seems to have blinded the judgment of a part of the people, and is precipitating them into revolution. Duty to the General Government. The supremacy of the National Government-has been so fully admitted and so long cherished by the people of Pennsylvania, and so completely has the conviction of its nationality and sovereignty directed their political action, that they are surprised at the pertinacity with which a portion of the people elsewhere maintain the opposite view. The traditions of the past, the recorded teachings of the Fathers of the liepublic, the security of their freedom and prosperity, and their hopes for the future, are all in harmony with an ulfaltering allegiance to the National Union, the maintenance of the Constitution aad the enforcement of the laws. They have faithfully adhered to the compromises of our great national compact, and willingly recognized the peculiar institutions and rights of property of the people of other States.

Every true Pennsylvania-! admits that his first civil and political duty is to the General Government, and he frankly acknowledges his obligation to protect the constitutional rights of all who live under iis authority and enjoy its blessings. Contraventional Laws. I have already taken occasion to say publicly, and I now repeat, that if we have any laws upon our statute books which infringe upon the rights of the people of any of the States, or contravene any law of the Federal Government, or obstruct its execution, they ought to be repealed. We ought not to hesitate to exhibit to other States that may have enacted laws interfering with the tights, or obstructive of the remedies which belong constitutionally to all American citizens, an example of magnanimity and of implicit obedience to the paramount law, and by a prompt repeal of every statute that may, even by implication, be liable to reasonable objection, do our part to remove every just cause of dissatisfaction with our legislation. Course of the State.

Pennsylvania has never faltered in her recognition of all the duties imposed upon her by the national compact, and sne will, by every act consistent with her devotion to the interests of her people, promote fraternity and peace, and a liberal comity between the States. Her convictions on the vital questions which have agitated the public mind are well understood at home, and should not be misunderstood abroad. Her verdicts hve been as uniform as they have been decisive, in favor of the dignity, the prosperity and the progress of her free industry, and support of the principles of liberty on which the government is lounded, and menace or rebellion cannot reverse them. They have passed into history as the deliberate judgement of her people, expressed ia a peaceful, fraternal and constitutional manner; and when they shall have been administered ia the government, as soon they will be, the id-ness that now rules the hour will subside, as their patriotic, faithful and national aims bring ample protection and peaceful progress to all sections of the Republic. Pennsylvania's Position.

In the grave questions which now agitate the country, no State has a more profound concern than Pennsylvania. Occupying a geographical position between the North and the South, the East and the West, with the great avenues of travel and trade passing through her borders, carrying on an extensive commerce with her neighbors, in the vast and varied productions of her soil, her mines and her manufacturing industry, and bound to them by the ties of kindred and social intercourse, the question of disunion involves momentous consequences to her people. The second of the thirty-three States in population, and the first in material resources, it is due both to ourselves and to the other States, that the position and sentiments of Pennsylvania on tho question should be distinctly understood. Protection of Labor. All the elements wealth and greatness hav been spread over the State by a kind Providence, with profuse liberality.

Our temperate climate, productive soil, and inexhaustible mineral wealth, nave stimulated the industry of our people ade-improvtd the skill of our mechanics. To de-veiope, enlarge, and protect the interests which grow out of our natural advantages, have become cordial principles of political economy in Pennsylvania, and the opinion everywhere prevails among our people that development, progress and wealth depend on educated and required labor and that labcr, and the interests sustained by it, should be adequately protected against foreign competition. The people of Pennsylvania have always favored that policy which aims to elevate "and foster the industry of the country in the collection of revenue for the support of the General Government; and whenever they have had the opportunity, in a fair election, they have vindicated that policy at the ballot-box. When their trade was prostrated and their industry paralyzed by the legislation of the General Government, which favored adverse interests, they waited patiently for the return of another opportunity to declare the public will in a constitutional manner. In the late election of President of the United States, the principle of protection was one of the prominent issues.

With the proceedings of Congress at its last session fresh in their memories, a largo majority of the people of Pennsylvania enrolled themselves in an organization, which, in its declaration of principles, promised, if successful, to bo faithful to their sutfer-ing interests and languishing industry. Protection to labor was one of the great principles of its platform it was inscribed on its banners it was advocated by its public journals; and throughout the canvass it was a leading text of the orators of the successful party. Pennsylvania's Legal Remedy. This is a propitious moment to declare that whilst the people of Pennsylvania were not indifferent to other vital issues of the canvass, they were demanding justice for themselves in the recent election, and had no design to interfere with or abridge the rights of the people of other States. The growth of our State had been retarded by the abrogation of the principle of protection from the revenue laws of the National Government; bankruptcy had crushed the energies of many of our most enterprising citizens; but no voice of disloyalty or treason was heard, nor was an arm raised to offer violence to the sacred fabric of our National Union.

Conscious of their rights and their power, our people looked to the ballot-box alone as the legal remedy for existing evils. The Question of the Hour. In the present unhappy condition ot the country, it will be our duty to unite with the people of the States which remain loyal to the Union, in any just and honorable measures of conciliation and fraternal kindness. Let us invito them to join us in the fulfilment of all our obligations under the Federal Constitution and laws. Then we can cordially unite with them in claiming like obedience from those States which have renounced their allegiance.

If the loyal Statc3 are just and moderate, without any sacrifice of right or self-respect, the threatened danger may be averted. Allegiance and Secession. Ours is a National Government. It has within the sphere of its action all the attributes of sovereignty, and among these are the right and duty of self preservation. It is based upon a compact to which all the people of the United States are parties.

It is the result of mutual concessions, which were made for the purpose of securing reciprocal benefits. It acts directly on the people, and they ow it a personal allegiance. No part of the people, no State nor combination of States, can volun-taiily secede fiom the Union, nor absolve themselves from their obligations to it. To permit a State to withdraw at pleasure from the Union, without the consent of the rest, is to confess that our Government is a failure. Pennsylvania can never acquiesce in such a conspiracy, nor assent to i a doctrine wnicn involves me destruction ot tae Government.

If the Government is to exist, all i the requirements of the Constitution must be i obeyed; and it must have power adequate to the enforcement of the supreme law of the land ia every State. It is the first duty of the National authorities to stay the progress of anarchy and enforce the laws, snd Pennsylvania with a united people, will give them an honest, faithful, and I active support. The people mean to preserve tho i integrity of the National Union at every hazard, Growth of the Country. The Constitution, which was originally framed to promote the welfare of thirteen States and four millions of people, in less than three-quarters of a entury has embraced thirty-three States aad thir rjIHE RELIANCE MUTUAL I2sTSTJKrCE C03IPAXV, of OFFICE, NO. 308 WALNUT STREEf.

Jaktabt, 12, 1S61. The following Statement of the affairs or this Company, on the 31st of December, IsttO, is published in pursuance ot tr Charter, viz To Capital Stock, paid in $314,700 00 To Certificates 01 Tionts, convertible into Stock 5,942 50 To Contingent Account for Premiums on Fire Risks, outstanding Deceni-bfrSl, 1859 S43.295 59 vo. ac. receivea istw uo To Interest Account, net, received in IbeO To tolicies. Transfers, and other Profits 56-50 To Profit and Loss, December 31st, 18.S9 63,75476 $0,577 -T 93947403 Br Dividend Account, raid fur the ear 1859 840,090 34 By Losses t-y Fire in 1860 22,46392 By Return Premiums, Commissions, 2,577 21 Bv Expenses, including Agencies, Taxes, aud Donations to Fire Companies 11.99598 77.1K-05 Remaining with the Company 317,142041 WHICH IS INVESTED AS FOLLOWS In First Mortgages on City Property, worth double th amount 160,9000) In tiround Rent, first cl9S 2 4250 In City of Philadelphia 6 percent.

Loan, (30.000) 29,97375 In Pennsylvania Kailroad Company's 6 per cent. 2d Mortgage Loan, ($30.000) 27,900 00 In Allegheny County 6 per cent. Loan In Collateral Loans, well secured 2,50000 In Huntingdon and Broad Top Mountain R. K. Coal Alortgage Loan In Peniisylvaiiia Kailroad Company's 6 per cent.

1st Mortizage Loan 5,00000 In Reliance Ins. Stock 24 UhO 0 In Coeuty Fire Ins. Stock 1,050 00 In Delaware M. 8. Ins.

Stock 700-00 In Pennsylvania Kailroad Stock 4.0OO (K In Commercial Bank Stock 5.135 01 In Mechanics' Bank Steck 2,81250 In Cnion Mutual Insurance Scrip 3sO0 In Bills Receivable 14.30274 In Book Accounts, accrued Interest, In Cash on hand T-. SS17.14204 The Directors have this day declared a dividend of SIX PtK CEJT. the Capital Stock of" tae Company, and oa the Certificates of Profits outstanding, for the year ending Dectn.ber 3ist, 1S60. without deduction for State Tax, payable in cash, cn and after the 16th inst Also a Dividend of FOUR PER pavable pro rata on the Capital Stock and Premiums earned, out of the profits of the Company for the vear ending December 31. lf60, for which Certificates of Profits, bearing interest wjll be delivered to the Stockholders, and to the insured entitled to receive the same, under the provisions of tho charter, on and alter the lth inst.

No certificate will be issued for any less sum than tent dollars, 1 or for any fractional part of one dollar. Sums less than ten dollars, and not less than one dollar, ara credited to the insured on the books of the Company, and if, within any period often years, the said credits amount to ten dollars, certificates therefor will be issued. Certificates of Profits are liable equally, with the Capital Stock, for the losses and engagements of the Company, ar.d may be converted into Capital Stock at any time, at the option of tlie holder. directors. CLEM TINGLEY.

ROBERT STEEN. WILLIAM MUSSER, BEN MARSHALL HILL, Z. LOTHROP. CHARLES LELAND. JACOB T.

BUNTING, SMITH BOWES, JOHN BISSELL, Pittsburg. WM. R. 1HOMPSOK, FREDERICK BROWN. JOHN R.

WORRELL, II. L. CARSON, ROBERT TO LAND, FREDERICK LENNIG, CHARLES S. WOOD, JAMES S. WOODWARD, SAMUEL BISPHAM, CLEM TINGLEY, President.

13. M. HIXCHMAN, Seo'y. THE PTJCENIX MUTUAL, INSURANCES ,7 1, he fouowing statement: nt? tb Company is publishe ia conformity -fritn a aroTisloii ef the supplement to its charter Tiin1? Risks for the year endlnsf 31st Desember, lk 8140 121-17 Of which hTe bHi determined in that period 1102 243-38 Iatert, salvage. Aa receirad 1 23,710 K5 AmoiiBt of Losses and Return Premiums 7 Expenses of the Company 6.172 92 18P meet unsettled losses, bad debts, denraciation in lMt- meats, etc 34,471 J.l'lA! Cowipeaiy are as follaws Pennsylvania Five Per Cent.

Lan tis ovi-iz IX 1'Wladelphin SU Per Cent. "'9SU Cenl Low Xnbo road Per 43WCitT.TMoWlV Real Estate ia the citv of Philadelphia 915,775 Matual Insurance Scrip Certiflcates. 7 545 iMnftfJl" Inroad ll'tlO UO 10386hares Phoenix Muttsal Insurance Cm 11 -rtii -m 39 shares Franktord and Bristol '-rii-oa 80 shares Philadelphia Steam Tug Bilto Receivable lor Insurances, and Premiums' Accrued interest a Cask on hand "r-Iji reetor. haveWday cites of Rta Caah of 8ix Per on the Certili. Poft ot Scrip.

percentaJneth2K1ecLaredJR in Scrip of fifteen the earned premiums foe wUiybe fS certificates for which Uie 8th inst. parties entitled thereto oa and after DIRECTORS. Joha L. Hoae, Aoolphus Periea. Wiiiim Piatt, William 3fcK.ee.

Lewis Wain, M. B. Mabony, John Wtlmer, William L. Grant, RobfrtW. Leai.lic, D.

Clark Wbarton. Lawrence Lewis, David Lewis, vuuu x. iewis, ThMnM Y-f Tn' ar. -m XJOHN WUC11ERER, President-SAVrBL W-xcoxySecwtary. IalJIu-D the true policy of the government can always oe had, give to all well considered measures of legislation the solemn sanction of the highest power of the State, and it should not be arbitrarily inter fered with.

While I shall shrink from no duty involved by the sacred trust reposed in me by the people of the Commonwealth, I would have all other departments of the government appreciate the full measure of responsibility which devolves upon them. The National Crisis. The position of mutual estrangement in which the different sections of our country have been placed by the precipitate action and violent denunciation of heated partisans, the apprehension of still more serious complications of our political affairs, and the fearful uncertainty of the future, have had the effect of weakening commercial credit and partially interrupting trade; and, as a natural consequence, deranging our exchanges and currency. Yet the elements of general prosperity are everywhere diffused amongst us, and nothing is wanting but a return of confidence to enable us to reap the rich rewards of our diversified industry and enterprise. Should the restitution of confidence in business and commercial circles be long delayed, the Legislature, in its wisdom, will, 1 doubt not, meet the necessities of the crisis in a generous and patriotic spirit.

Our National Government. Thus far our system of Government has fully answered the expectations of its founders, and has demonstrated the capacity of the people for self-government. The country has advanced in wealth, knowledge and power, and secured to all classes of its citizens the blessings of peace, prosperity and happiness. The working of our 6imple and natural political organizations have given direction and energy to individual and associated enterprise, maintained public order, and promoted the welfare of all parts of our vast and expanding country. No one who knows the history of Pennsylvania and understands the opinions and feelings of her people, can justly charge with hostility to our brethren of other States.

We regard them as friends and fellow countrymen, in whose welfare we feel a kindred interest; and we recognize, in their broadest extent, all our constitutional obligations to them. These we are ready and willing to observe generously and fraternally in their letter and spirit, with unswerving The National Sovereignty. The election of a President of the United States. Searcher of all hearts, that you will support the Constitution of the United States, and 60 you swear." "You do also swear that you will support the Consiitution'of the State of Pennsylvania, and that you will perform your duty with fidelity." "While taking the oath the Governor elect stool uncovered with uplifted hand. Mr.

Palmer then said: "I declare Andrew G. Ccrtin to be duly inaugurated as Governor of Pennsylvania." Three hearty cheers were then given for Governor Curtis. The Governor then delivered the following address: COVERSOR eURTIJTS INAUGURAL ADDRESS. Introduction. Having been entrusted by the people of Pennsylvania, with the administration of the Executive Department of the Government for the next three years, and having taken a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution of the United States, and to the Constitution of Pennsylvania, I avail myself of your presence to express to you, and through you to the people of the State, my gratitude for the distinguished honor they have, in their partiality, conferred upon me.

Duties of Office. Deeply impressed with its responsibilities and duties, I enter upon the office of Governor of PeTmByiyania, with a determination to fulfil them all faithfully to the utmost of my ability. Questions of great moment intimately connected with the feelings and interests of the people of all parts of the nation, now agitate the public mind: and some of them, from their novelty and importance, are left for settlement in the uncertainty of the future. A selfish caution might indicate silence as the safest course to be pursued as to these Questions, by one just entering upon the responsibilities of high official position; but fidelity to the iigh trust reposed in me demand, especially at this juncture, that I yield to an honored custom which requires a frank declaration of the principles to be adopted, and the policy to be pursued during my official term. Self-Go vernment of the People "We have assumed, as the great fundamental truth of our political theory, that man is capable of self-government, and that power emanates from the people.

1 An experience of seventy-one years, under the Constitution of the United States, ias demonstrated to all mankind that the people Jj. rvFFICE OF THE INSURANCE COM iJi VVJ America -Philadelohia, January 14 IM1. the Board of Directors have this day declared a semi-annual dividend of six per also an extra dividend ot six per cent, (both exeiusive of the State Tx.) out of tne Company for the past six months, payable to the stockholders or their legal represent.vive laMafE? CHARLES PL ATT, JalSfrtrp 1 Secretary, according to the forms of the Constitution, has recently been made a pretext for disturbing the peace of the country by a deliberate attempt to wrBt from the Federal Government the powers which the people conferred on it when they adopted th Cgnstitution, J3jr this movement, the question i.

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