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The Journal News from White Plains, New York • Page 10

Publication:
The Journal Newsi
Location:
White Plains, New York
Issue Date:
Page:
10
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

TOR ED It's an uphill race for Sen. McGovern ROCKLAND COUNTY, N.Y., THURSDAY. JULY 13. 1972 It) McGovern may shun fot cats In nrivate memos and con JACK ANDERSON portant noses out of joint as the chief architect and chief beneficiary of party "reforms" that have affronted, just for instance, Chicago's Boss Daley and veteran Democratic kingpins in New York State. Also, George Wallace has contributed to McGovern's troubles.

While Wallace's proposals didn't prevail in the platform deliberations, his antibusing vehemence leaves McGovern with a campaign embarrassment. This will alienate the South even further from him. if possible, and it won't do him much good in some sensitive Northern states such as Michigan. There is also mileage in this for President Nixon, who has an uncomplicated position against busing in contrast with McGovern's rather complicated position in favor of it. McGovern told to shun his economics aides Connecticut's politically astute Sen.

Abe Ribicoff has ad-cised George McGovern bluntly to stop listening to the hifa-lutin' theories of his economic advisers. As a member of the Senate Finance Committee. Ribicoff has economic credentials of his own. He also sits on McGovern's tight little board of top advisers. He urged McGovern to translate his economic ideas into plain talk that the voters can MIAMI BEACH Sen.

George McGovern would like to finance the presidential campaign without getting obligated to the big contributors. He. therefore, is considering the possibility of refunding all political contributions over $1,000 at the end of the campaign. the idea was suggested by his zealous campaign treasurer, Henry Kimelman, who promised to seek out enough $1,000 contributions to make the wholesale refund possible. McGovern is enthusiastic about the idea, but he is also eager to avoid running up a ORGANIZATION, strategic planning and tenacity have surely been hallmarks of the George McGovern campaign for the highest office in the land.

McGovern learned his lessons well in South Dakota in running for the House and then the Senate at a time when the natives regarded a Democratic candidacy for any office as a mild joke. The experiences taught him the tactical necessity of knowing an electorate intimately and the strategic necessity of leaving as little as possible to chance. Certainly he applied those techniques diligently in his state-by-state march through the primaries to the presidential nomination. But he's in a new game now. a unique contest in which prior experience isn't always applicable.

By anyone's measurement. McGovern is the underdog. And in many estimates Democratic as well as Republican he is fated to remain such. President Nixon is widely regarded as a shoo-in for a second term, while McGovern has a tremendous job ahead in reunifying his own party before he can effectively take on the Republicans. OBVIOUSLY.

McGovern has left many im huge debt. He has managed to get through the presidential primaries, which have cost him a cool $6 million, without going into the red. He is withholding his approval of the refund idea, therefore, until he is convinced it's feasible. Footnote: In an effort to hold down convention costs to $155,000. McGovern's financial managers cut off room service for all campaign workers.

An order for tea and soup, therefore, was routinely rejected. An exception was made, however, when the hungry man identified himself. He was George McGovern. PUT IT ALL together and it spells an uphill summer and autumn for George McGovern. But he's staking everything on his conviction that the country is in a mood for basic political, economic and social change.

To date, his hunches have been uncannily accurate. So it's much too soon to sell him short. Roundfoble talks needed in Rhodesia versations. Ribicotf contended that most Americans woulu welcome the simplified, res tructed tax system that McGovern advocates if they could only understand what he's talking about. Ribibcoff invited McGovern to read Fletcher Knebel's novel.

"The Dark Horse'' The dark horse candidate in the novel, suggested Ribicoff was saving the same things as McGovern but saying them better. Platform makers goof on eomsumer plan Through a comedy of errors, the Democratic Party went on record at first with a flagrantly anti-consumer plank borrowed from the conservative wing of the Republican Party. The plank opposed setting up an agency to intervene in behalf of citizens against federal agencies, which is regarded as one of the most important consumer measures in Congress. Here's what happened: 1)1 RING the final marathon session of the Democratic Platform Committee before the convention opened at Miami Beach. North Carolina's balding, persuasive Dave'Mc-Connell sought to amend the consumer plank.

He contended that the plank would ltad to interagency squabbling. He recommended, therefore, that the new consumer agency be restricted by two little words, amicus This would limit the agency's authority merely to an advisory role as a "friend of the court." It was midnight, and the committee members were ex-h a But Rep. Bella Abzug. and young Jim Rosapepe. a Virginia delegate, recognized that McConnell's seemingly innocent little words would completely gut the measure.

THEY RAISF.I) furious objections and McConnell withdrew his amendment. But weary Phil Zeidman. the executive secretary, underlined instead of lining out the words, "amicus curiae" on his work sheet. The goof was missed by the typists, copyreaders. policy checkers, proofreaders and printers.

Thus, the formally printed Democratic platform, amazingly, endorsed the conservative Republican view. Ziedman had no idea of the blunder until we asked him why the Democrats had sudu-nely reversed their position in Congress and come out against the consumers. Ziedman painstakingly went over the transcripts of the proceedings and discovered that his wavering hand had almost sabotaged the Democratic consumer position. The platform error then was immediately corrected. show that he rated the Africans as human beings and worthy of the self-respect that their answer to Lord Pearce had shown them to merit.

It is the opinion of many observers besides Lord Goodman that the majority of Africans consulted by the Pearce commission rejected the settlement not so much because of the terms themselves but because of their deep distrust of the present white regime and their fear that the terms would never be implemented. It is this gap of distrust that has to be bridged. Mr. Smith and the ruling Rhodesian Front still talk and behave as though the Africans are incapable of expressing valid political opinions. Already they tend to treat the moderately led African National Council, which campaigned against the settlement, as a subversive organization.

On the day that Lord Goodman made his speech in the Lords one provincial branch of the ANC was closed down and six of its members arrested. Since then other arrests have been reported and the Rhodesian Government has banned all outdoor political meetings in the country. Our own conviction is that the future of Rhodesia must eventually be worked out in roundtable talks between representatives of the territory's black and white peoples. One can only hope that the wise advice of men who know Rhodesia as Lord Goodman does will be heeded in Salisbury. A lot of soul-searching must be going on among moderate white Rhodesians after the rejection by Rhodesian Africans of the settlement negotiated by Britain and the rebel Rhodesian Government.

Most of Rhodesia's quarter of a million whites sincerely believed that the settlement terms were the best available. They had expected them to be adopted and were deeply disappointed by the Pearce commission's conclusion that the terms were unacceptable to a majority of Rhodesian opinion. Now they are asking with understandable concern: Where do we go from here? Lord Goodman, the man who did the spadework for the draft settlement reached last November and who has a compassionate understanding of the Rhodesian problem, has spelled out what he thinks the next step should be. He believes a solution is still possible on the basis of the terms he helped negotiate. Speaking in a debate on the Pearce commission's report in the House of Lords, he said Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith should discuss these terms with the Africans as equals.

If he did this he might achieve miracles. Lord Goodman said he did not believe it would be necessary to revolutionize the proposals as they now stood to obtain a modicum of acceptance from the Africans throughout the country. But Mr. Smith would have to Pre-fourney ploys check uninitiated wmmlml 197? by UoHd Fitur Int. To most of us these idiosyncrasies and mental stratagems are a nuisance.

We can see that there is less to choose between Fischer and Spassky regarding the material rewards of chess than appears on the surface (Spassky lives well as the pet of the Soviet state), but we are impatient with it all. In the cold light of morning after the tourney's end only the intelligence of the games' moves will remain. The prematch bad behavior will pernaps be some solace for those of us whose own games will not be studied a century hence. Supreme Court retreating on cV7 rights issues PAUL LIEBERMAN it v. By VERNON JORDAN The Supreme Court ended its 1971-72 term with the dramatic and heartening verdict Convention disappoints as X-rated spectacle With a number of vital school cases coming up in the fall term, this could mean that the Court will join other branches of the government in retreating from the effort to finally desegregate America's schools.

This narrow decision rings a warning bell for the future. The bad behavior of Bobby Fischer, and then of Boris Spassky. in dangling the world title chess match over the edge of the cliff merits a little discussion. In demanding more money to play. Fischer deserved the boos he got from the public around the world.

In normal life, none of the rest of us common folk could expect to get anything more than the gate if we told the boss to double our pay or else. The Fischer ploy, in the manner of this spring's baseball strike, seems unsportsmanlike. Yet. there are at least two other sides to Bobby's actions. First, playing chess is the way he makes his living.

It is in part his private affair, regardless of how annoying it is to those of us who are chess buffs around the world, for him to secure the financial arrangements he considers commensurate with his genius. And there is no mistaking that without Bobby Fischer, the match would not be the international sporting event of the year. It is worth on the market what it will net still but a tenth of the last world title heavyweight boxing match. Second, as Spassky's reaction showed. Fischer's holdout ploy was also a tactical move, to unnerve his opponent.

Spassky correctly played the early prematch drama, seeming unperturbed. If Fischer had been disqualified. Spassky would have held the psychologically dominant position for a future match. But when the British millionaire covered Fischer's money demand. Fischer arrived in Iceland with the psychological edge.

Then Spassky made his move, demanding an apology from Fischer before the match could begin, trying to stall any mental momentum Fischer might have gained. The Supreme Court's record this past year has in general, been one of retreat on issues of personal and civil rights in favor of property rights and local government. The clearest indication of the Court's turnaround on equal rights was last month's ruling that private clubs, even when licensed by state agencies, can practice racial discrimination. The Court, in a decision authored by Justice Rehnquist. the ultra-conservative whose appointment was so bitterly protested, ruled against a black man denied service by a Moose Lodge operating under state liquor license and state regulation.

Estelle DiRoberts, the county Conservative Party chairwoman, has deceived me. You see, I switched on the Democratic National Convention on television the other night expecting to witness a lewd X-rated spectacle. I had a huge brown paper bag waiting by the set. to cover things up if they got too offensive, but that was a ruse I really wanted to see a lewd X-rated spectacle. And Estelle had prepared me.

Which is why I was disappointed. She called earlier in the day assuring me I'd see a "Roman orgy." With abortionists, ho- ONE OF THE hallmarks of the Warren Court was its rulings enlarging the protection given the rights of defendants faced with the power of the state. But two recent rulings show that the Court is taking a strong "law-and-order" stand against individual rights. THEJOlRVUMCwS r.vrnina Journal KslablUhrd IttH Hail) Vw lH5-orulidairl I Published doily and Sunday at 53 Hudson Avenue, Nyack, Y. 10960 by Wettcheiler Rockland Newspapers, 8 Church Street, Whit Plains, NY, Thomas Dolan, President, 8 Church Strt.

Whit Plains, NT; John A. Sutter. Vic Ptiidnt and Gen-ral Manager; Douglas H. McCorkindale, $crtory; John Pui-cl, Trasufr, 8 Church StrMt, Whit Plains, Harry Oonsky, Editor. National Advertising Representative.

Story 4, Klly-Smith, 750 Third Avnu. New York, Y. 10017 MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED-PRESS AND UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Th Associated Prss is ntitld to th us lor republication ol all th local nws printd in this newspaper as well as all A. P. nws dispatches.

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But she said "no'' to both questions she wasn't there and I didn't have to go either. I could see the orgy on t.v. I might have tuned in a day too late, but in any event I missed it. There were a few hints of what might have gone on before, like interviewers occasionally putting their arms around interviewees. Otherwise, there was nothing much more than some usual politician types along with pelnty of women, young people and blacks.

I tried to pay attention, but in less than two hours I turned it off and went to sleep. Estelle DiRoberts has deceived me. Or is it that where there used to be a communist behind every tree, there now appears a pervert? swimming mosexuals. nude parties and mobs. that bans the death penalty as it now exists.

This is something long overdue, since the death penalty is a cruel and unusual punishment that has been applied in a discriminatory fashion. As Justice Thur-good Marshall pointed out. the penalty fell disproportionately on "the poor, the ignorant, and the underprivileged members of society." But the fact that this decision was by a slim 5-4 margin, and that the Court left the door open for reinstitution of the death penalty by states that provide for uniform application or otherwise meet some of the justice's objections indicates that the Court stopped far short of the humane goal of outright abolition. IT ALSO indicates that the post-Warren Court is less bold in charting new paths in law. This was especially evident by another decision announced the same day that sharply limits the rights of the press.

Black newsman Earl Caldwell and other reporters lost their suit to prevent forced testimony before grand juries that could imperil their sources of news information Since reporters have been called before such bodies as part of "fishing expeditions" for evidence, the verdict could wind up harming the public's right to know and the freedom of the press. Not having seen the convention yet myself, I asked whether she was down there seeing these things in person, wishing to know (I was) whether I the small society by Brickman In one case, it ruled that suspects are not entitled to legal assistance at police lineup identifications before the formal charges are brought. In anpther, perhaps more important case, it ruled that juries in most criminal cases in state courts can convict defendants by less than the unanimous vote that has been a hallmark of our system of justice. Now what happens to guarantees that guilt must be determined "beyond any shadow of doubt'' if people will be sent to jail on 8 to 4 and 9 to 3 jury votes? Black defendants especially, can expect little justice under these new rulings. IS A OF MANY CONVICTIONS QUOTES IF THIS DECISION is an indication that the Court means to narrow black people's rights of access to private facilities licensed by the state, a recent school desegregation case could indicate trouble ahead in that area as well.

The Court ruled, by a slim 5-4 vote, that a small town in Virginia whose schools were predominately white could not secede from a school district whose schools were predominately black. The real significance of that case is that for the first time since the historic 1954 decision outlawing school segregation, the Court was less than unanimous on a major case in that field. The firm stand shown in past cases has been broken; one vote separated victory from defeat on a crucial school integration case. siTSsrv cP'3-n ITS USUALLY To LIFE- By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS SEN. GEORGE McG-OVERN, speaking to a group of young demonstrators shortly before he won the Democratic presidential nomination: "I don't have any doubt that within 90 days of my inauguration every American troop and every American soldier will be home, and that's a pledge I make." SEN.

EDWARD M. KENNE-DY, giving his reason for turn-ingjown McGovern's request that he become the Democratic vice presidential candidate "I told him I was honored and humbled by the invitation but that 'I had overriding personal considerations and that I could not consider it." These are just a handful of the cases tht. taken together, indicate a turnaround by the Supreme Court. That is why we look to the coming Court term with apprehension. --iw I WmMiv(m i lvftiiU.

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