The Roswell Daily Record from Roswell, New Mexico • Page 4

Roswell (N.M.) Daily Record Thursday, May 31,1979 New Congratulations. TMC! In one of the most brilliant corporate decisions in recent years. Transportation Manufacturing Corp. (TMC) has started production of its new Citycruiser transit bus at the Roswell Industrial Air Center. We say brilliant because the bus is an ideal means of transportation in this time of fuel shortages and uncertainties.

It was not luck that resulted in design and construction of the new. 32-foot buses by The Greyhound Corp subsidiary. The Citycruiser stems from research by TMC which showed a need for an economical alternative to the larger transit buses now in general use around the United States Greyhound reports. The advantages of the smaller transit bus in the nation today are apparent: Lower operating costs and greater nimbleness make it ideal for use in high-density urban areas Its smaller size suits it well for service on routes in lightly patronized suburban areas and in smaller communities that are considering bus service for the first time as more Americans consider mass transportation. Production of the Citycruiser marks TMC's entry into the transit bus business.

We can't imagine an entry into a new business market by any company that makes better sense. In fact. Greyhound reports that the entire 1979 production of the Citycruiser already has been sold out to transit systems throughout the United States. The TMC-Greyhound decision to build the Citycruiser is living proof that the free enterprise system unfettered by government interference and regulation is capable of responding quickly to the needs of the public. Hoswell is fortunate to be the home of TMC and its production lines that turn out the Citycruiser.

the Amcricruiser It intercity bus used by Greyhound Lines and the MC-9 used by other intercity bus lines. Spain in stress Guest editorial A crisis born of terrorism threatens Spain's fledgling democracy. Bomb blasts and gunfire look nearly 20 lives last weekend and injured dozens more. The fact that Spain has overcome similar crises while moving away from Franco's authoritarianism is no reason for minimizing the present danger; good luck cannot be counted on at every turn. The new democratic structure remains fragile.

Its survival should be a central concern of all free societies. The Spanish electorate repeatedly has shown its preference for democratic change by voting for centrist candidates, especially those allied with Prime Minister Adolfo Surarez. The votes won by the opposition Socialists, the second-largest party, also represent an endorsement of the political reforms. Even Spain's Communists espouse compromise and nonviolence, at least for the time being. Extremists at both ends of the Spanish political spectrum arc determined to sec democracy fail.

A far left Basque separatist organization, the has claimed credit for many of the acts of terrorism. Other violent acts have been attributed to fringe groups of the far left and the far right. Most ominously, there have also been dramatic incidents of Newspapers' comments Newport (R.I.) Daily News the Supreme Court denied a hearing to Stanley Jaffec, a former soldier who sought to sue the government on behalf of thousands compelled to witness (a 1953 nuclear bomb) test in Camp Desert Rock. Nevada. This doesn't seem fair or just by any standard in light of the recent decision granting the family of a dead nuclear plant worker more than $10 million in damages as a result of radiation exposure she suffered.

The only difference between nuclear plant worker Karen Silkwood and Mr. Jaffee is that her family's suit was brought against a private company, and his was directed against the government. Justice seems to cry out here for some congressman to introduce a bill permitting Mr. Jaffee to sue in behalf of himself and the other servicemen so exposed to radiation against their will. Men serving their country should not be treated like cattle or worse by officers engaging in experiments with dangerous materials.

The morale of the nation's armed forces demands that a law waiving the sovereign's immunity be passed as quickly as possible. Boston Globe The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) is trying to be reassuring about how most of will burn up on the fringe of space and how unlikely any of us are to be hit by any pieces left over. But a group of computer experts in Washington called "Chicken Little Associates" is planning to provide, for a small fee, last-minute information about Skylab's unwelcome arrival for those worriers among us who are not likely to believe a word NASA says. What exactly one can do with this information is a mystery, though. Even if one knew it was coming, there wouldn't be much chance of outrunning the Skylab lead safe descending at the speed of a bullet.

Other big pieces that survive are not likely to be fieldable with the old catcher's mitt either. Save your money. Pray. 25 years ago May 31,1954 The 61st Commencement Pro- gam at NMMI will be climaxed Saturday with the graduation ceremonies in Pearson Auditorium at 9 a.m. Hiram M.

Dow, civilian aide to the secretary of the Army, and a graduate of the Institute, will deliver the principal address of the morning. Members of the Roswell Desk and Derrick Club will commemorate the second anniverasary of the club with a banquet honoring their "bosses" June 3 at the Knigts of Pythias Hall, begining at 7 p.m. A brunch and linen shower was given this morning by Mrs. J.P. Williams and Mrs.

W.B. Rogers in honor of Miss Ann Worthington, bride-elect of Hugh M. Huff III, at the Williams home, 513 N. Pennsylvania Ave. Mrs.

Robert M. Cooper, president of the local Sweet Adelines, received the organization's national charter at the presentation today. Jock Anderson Nixon could have curbed hike WASHINGTON Locked in the files of the Central Intelligence Agency is startling evidence that the Nixon administration could have stopped the disastrous oil price rise, which threw the Western world into an economic tailspin in 1974. The secret papers identify the Shah of Iran as the driving force behind the great oil gouge. Saudi Arabia repeatedly urged the Nixon administration to help persuade the shah to hold down oil prices.

Even after the increases had gone into effect, the Saudis offered to force prices back down by selling oil at public auction. Economists agree this would have broken the back of the international oil cartel. Yet the Nixon crowd made no effort to bring the shah into line. This convinced the Saudis, accord- insubordination by army officers nostalgic for the enforced order of the Franco era. Terrorists of all persuasions seem to be trying to provoke a military coup.

Some leftists and regional separatists appear to believe, despite the experience of the Franco period, that a coup would somehow rally people to their causes. Those on the far right, drawing a more plausible lesson from that history, want the army again to deliver them from the disorder of democracy. The Spanish people's embrace of democracy has refuted the apocalyptic predictions made during the Franco era and has been an inspiration toother societies. It has given hope to those trying to end authoritarian military rule in Latin America. It has probably been a steadying influence in neighboring Portugal, where the transition from dictatorship has been far rougher than in Spam.

And it has advanced the economic and political integration of Western Europe, where every nation is democratic for the first time in more than half a century. There is not much that the other democracies can do to help Spain resist the challenge of terror. But that does not diminish their stake in Spain's success. New York Times GOVtRNOR AMOKT NMSUPres'den MtGMWAV COULD MOAT! I KNOW I VOTED FOR BUT S1NCC TV46N 1 VE BCCN HEARtN' FROfA TYV TAX 000.00 The Lone Sirongtf Pronto NMSU REGENTS TH STATE TYUS IS H6ALTH OFFIC6RW Off SEASON fOR TH 1 TICK SEASON HOW we HAS BtGUN IN 1 1 VOU CAN'T ing to the secret documentation, that the United States was conspiring with the shah to keep prices up. The Saudi oil minister, Sheik Ahmed Yamani, complained in a secret message to Washington: "There are those amongst us who think that the U.S.

administration does not really object to an increase in oil prices. There are even those who think that you encourage it for obvious political reasons and that any official position taken to the contrary is merely to cover up that fact." No one really doubted that the United States had the clout to stop the shah from pushing up oil prices. The shah not only depended on the United States for military support, but he owed his very throne to the United States. Top officials in both the shah's regime and the Nixon administration have told us that the U.S. hold on the shah certainly should have been strong enough to restrain his oil greed.

Later, indeed, Richard Nixon's successor in the White House, Gerald Ford, had no trouble persuading the shah to stop his clamor for higher prices and to join the Saudis in blocking another huge imcrease. Then why did the Nixon administration permit the shah to drive up oil prices, at such a terrible cost to the U.S. economy, without a protest? And why did the Nixon administration give the shah virtually a blank check to purchase more U.S. weapons thant his armed forces could handle? It almost seems as if the Nixon crowd put the shah's wishes ahead of vital U.S. interests.

Why? The secret papers single out Henry Kissinger as the shah's staunchest champion inside the Nixon policy councils. (Continued on Page 5) Hedrlck Smith Administration malaise worst 1979 N. Y. Times News Service WASHINGTON Besieged by an unruly Congress; hurt by open defections to Sen. Edward Kennedy and by the indictment of Bert Lance; bedeviled by national jitters and public suspicions over the politically explosive energy issue, the Carter administration is suffering its worst malaise since taking office.

Cabinet secretaries complain of the cantankerous tensions of the third year and snipe disdainfully at the While House staff. Other high-level officials confess their weariness, their loss of zeal, and some have begun to resign. As the administration ages, its early solidarity seems increasingly lo have given way to private feuding and backbiting. When administration officials gather at dinner parties, they worry about their own disarray and speculate on "how badly we are wounded." as one put it, by cumulative defeats in Congress. Two recent and crippling losses as well as the public outcry over the gasoline shortage in California, anger over diesel fuel problems in Iowa and jitters in New Hampshire about next winter's heating oil have demonstrated President Carter's vulnerability on the energy issue.

"We go home and find people jumpy and we become the same way." observed Rep. John Brademas of Indiana, the House Democratic whip. "People are looking for someone to blame. This puts the president in more difficulty than he's ever had before." Close associates describe Carter himself as tired, frustrated and "in a Tony Espef id 'down'right now." And though outwardly poised, he has gotten testy lately with leading Democrats in Congress who offered private suggestions and criticism, or has fired off snappish notes to other members. With more show of emotion than normal in public.

Carter told the Democratic National Committee Friday that he wanted it to fight for his programs but conceded that the public often saw a government "incapable of action" or bogged down in "paralysis, stagnation and drift." "I don't think there's any question that there's battle fatigue," an assistant secretary commented. The high- level people who have been with the administration from the start, he said, now react like those who have known the pressures of war "They're short-tempered, quick to take insults, unable to concentrate, somewhat paranoid." "We came in here thinking we were going to change the world and produce our comprehensive solutions for everything," another policymaker who served in the 1976 Carter campaign remarked sorrowfully, "and now it's turned into just another dull, frustrating job." Like many others within the administration who expressed downbeat feelings, he asked that his name not be used for fear of losing his job. Strangely, significant foreign policy achievements like the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, the new opening with China or the forthcoming arms accord with the Soviet Union have not been translated into growing support for Carter on domestic issues, wnat credit he is given seems largely perfunctory. On Capitol Hill, not only Republican partisans but even Democratic party leaders grouse privately that Carter is too weak, too gentle a leader, that he lacks clout or the ability to inspire and build a personal following. "They've tasted blood," said an experienced pro-administration lobbyist.

"They've tasted the weakness of a leader and they're going into the 1980 campaign already. It's a free-for-all. There's no penalty for bucking the president." After the defeats on Rhodesian sanctions, gasoline rationing and Carter's decontrol plan over the past fortnight, even a White House lobbyist said privately: "We're in the roughest legislative waters we've ever been in and we don't have much political capital. We're bankrupt. The Democrats are split between liberals and moderates, and if you don't hold the party together, you're going to lose more votes big votes." And legislative leaders, remembering that Carter ran outside the regular Democratic party organization on an anti-Washington theme, are privately resentful that he now wants to call on Democratic loyalties for support even as he attacks Congress however justifiably, for "excessive political timidity." "He may run against Congress," a ranking Democrat fumed, "but he better remember that we all got elected by larger margins than he did.

He may find us running against him. Politically, he needs us more than we need him." Suddenly, energy rather than inflation threatens to become Carter's quagmire. Two years ago he was out front on energy, but now he is on the defensive. To his chagrin, inflation has worsened rather than eased since he began his latest anti-inflation campaign last fall. But energy shortages, gas lines and the panicky suspicions they have generated have produced what Rep.

Thomas S. Foley of Washington, chairman of the House Democratic Caucus, called "a political time bomb, the kind of gut issue that develops a 'throw the rascals out' psychology." But other administrations have recovered from equal and worse predicaments. In the early 1970s. President Nixon weathered the national outcry over the invasion of Cambodia and the shootings at Kent State University as well as inflation to win a landslide re-election in 1972. In the White House, some of those who acknowledge that the administration is in "a dead-water period" insist that it is temporary and part of the natural rhythm of the presidency.

John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, they note, suffered "the third-year blues." As the 1980 election approaches, they insist, the battle-fatigued Carter entourage will come back to life, its competitive instincts aroused. With Carter, you have to take the long view," said a senior presidential aide. "When this year is over, we're going to have a good domestic record to go with a good foreign policy record.

We're going to ratify a trade Mexico cooling U.S. relations? The Small Society MEXICO CITY (UPI) Mexico, an emerging power because of its petroleum wealth, recently has taken a number of steps which could further dampen relations with the United States. During a one-week period, President Jose Lopez Portillo demanded an end to Washington's economic blockade of Cuba while siding with visiting Cuban President Fidel Castro on virtually all issues. Lopez Portillo also blasted the superpowers' oil "waste" and took the initiative in breaking relations with Nicaragua, urging the United States and other hemispheric nations to follow suit. Observers believe his pronouncements were a clear indication that Mexico continues a slow but steady drift away from U.S.

influence and toward new and independent alliances. At the same time, Mexico assumed a new role as a key Latin American leader, a position the government had shunned in the past. Lopez Portillo's decisions followed the unexpected resignations of his top three cabinet ministers, who were in charge of the country's foreign and interior policies and budgeting. It all started with the announcement of Castro's two-day visit, his first since he left Mexico 23 years ago on his successful mission to overthrow the Batista dictatorship. Lopez Portillo, 58, gave Castro a hero's welcome in the Caribbean island of Cozumel off the Yucatan Peninsula that contrasted sharply with the coolness that greeted President Carter when he visited Mexico City in February.

In his exuberant welcome, Lopez Portillo called Castro "one of the personalities of our century." Less than 24 hours before the Castro visit, three cabinet ministers Foreign Relations Secretary Santiago Roel, Budget and Planning Secretary Ricardo Garcia Saenz and Interior Secretary Jesus Reyes Heroics, one of the most powerful politicians in the country stepped down. Officially, all three quit for "personal reasons." Unofficially, their resignations were said to be over discrepancies with Lopez Portillo on Castro's visit and other internal issues. It also was rumored they had opposed to Mexico's rupture of ties with Nicaragua. New Foreign Secretary Jorge Castaneda denied suggestions that Castro had influenced Lopez Portillo to break with Nicaragua. Former government officials rarely disclose the real motives of their resignations.

After two rounds of talks, the Mexican president joined the Cuban strongman in demanding that the United States lift its economic blockade of Cuba and scorned the occupation of Guantanamo, where the United States has a naval base. "We urge an end to the economic blockade imposed upon the people of Cuba," said the two Latin American leaders in a joint communique. Two days later, Costa Rican President Rodrigo Carazo arrived for a seven-hour stay in what appeared to be a routine visit. But in yet another surprise announcement, Lopez Portillo charged the government of President Anastasio Somoza with "a horrendous genocide against the Nicaraguan people" and said Mexico was breaking ties with the Central American nation. He the United States and other Latin American nations to follow suit.

On petroleum, and in an obvious reference to the United States, he said that powerful nations' control over oil hurt developing nations. "Mexico will not admit or tolerate this," he said." Lopez Portillo will meet Carter again in two months in Washington rts predict tne Mexican attitude won't be too ne one Carter encoun- during his February visit to Mexico. Then he got a cold reception and by his host on severa.