The Pittsburgh Press from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania • Page 28

'You Take Care Of If The Pittsburgh Press (A Scripps-Howard Newspaper) r.st.iblihci June 23, IS 84 Published Daily and Sunday JOHN TROAN BARNEY G. CAMERON Editor Business Manager LEO K0EBERLQ1N, Executive Editor Ofticn. Bnulfurd nf the Allifi, Putiburijh, Pi. 1 5 250 P.O. Hk lflfphone 2 -1 100; U'int Adi 2 i -1 20 1 Democrat Alliance Ending? 1972 Feuds Split Old FDR Group By ROBERT TAYLOR MIAMI BEACH The tumult and the shouting have died down, and the big, over He Had It All The Way But McGovern Pulls A'Spiro' By JOHN TROAN Editor of The Presi MIAMI BEACH-When the Democrats opened their National Convention here last Gut Liht end th fro pie Vi ill Twd Their Oun Wty SUNDAY, JULY 16, 1972 PAGE 2, SECTION Pay-Raise Dodging riding s-tion remains: Can Sen.

George McGovern pull together scattered pieces of the party that i ated him for president, plaster Monday night, I wondered whether they'd get to nominate anyone for president in time to have his name printed on the Nov. 7 ballot. There were Mr. Troan Mr. Taylor over the cracks that have makers who didn't even have the courage to put their pay-raise votes on the line.

The legislature last year decided to take the sneaky way to higher pay. It created the Commonwealth Compensation Commission, whose all-too-predictable recommendations for super-sized salaries came out June 22. Those recommendations have a HO-day effective date unless vetoed or modified by legislative action. The new scale will apply to those legislators who win reelection. But the legislature has recessed until Sept.

11, frustrating attempts by a few lawmakers to turn back the pay raises. Yet a slim chance remains if Gov. Shapp cares to exercise some leadership. He could call a special session of the legislature to ote on the new salaries, as requested by Rep. Denny Bixler, of Altoona.

However unlikely this might in light of his reluctance to rock the boat on this matter the governor has indicated he might recall the legislature to deal with flood problems. This would present an ideal opportunity for lawmakers to face up to cutting back the pay raises, as well. The Issue is too important to be left in legislative limbo. It can, and should, be inserted into a call for a special session by Gov. Shapp.

He would thus get another chance to stand up and be counted on the pay raises. And so would the legislature. Gov. Milton J. Shapp exhibited some fancy footwork in sidestepping a question on the sot-in-motion pay rflises looming in August for 253 legislators and 363 other state dficials.

Or maybe it should be called ducking out. For the governor refused to take a stand on the highly-controversial salary increases that will saddle state taxpayers with an additional burden of $6.1 million a year. Instead, he tossed the ball back to the voters. He said, in effect, that those Pennsylvania's who don't believe incumbent legislators are worth a pay raise can turn them out of office in the fall elections. Well, not quite: Mr.

Shapp failed to tell the voters how they might register their displeasure with the non-elected Commonwealth Compensation Commission, which recommended the fat pay raises that will go into effect automatically on Aug. 21 Or how they might show their opposition to paying any legislator an incumbent or newcomer a salary and expense account for a part-time job Or how they might disapprove higher pay for the governor, lieutenant governor, ruriitor general, treasurer, cabinet members, county judges throughout the state and appellate judges-not to mention those legislators who will run unopposed or 25 senators who aren't up for election this fall and who won't get the raise unless and until they're reelected. In reality, the voters will have relatively few chances to turn out the grabby law Labor Report McGovern To Get Union Aid Despite Abel's Opposition The Late Democratic Party By EDWARD VERLICH, Press Labor Editor If the Democrats' national convention had been a labor convention, observers would have said it was a democratically run session truly in the hands of the rank-and-file. The rank-and-file delegates didn't allow the old pros, includ ing many from labor, to take over the convention as they had in the past. For many of He has said the USW will key on congressional and state legislative races in November and skip the presidential battle.

However, local union and other USW officials have said they will actively support Sen. McGovern. He will receive some help from organized labor. But not the amount Hubert H. Humphrey got in 1968 and would have received this year if he were the nominee.

them, it was a majority reports and minority reports and minority minority reports. There were roll calls and delegate votes fractionated to absurdity. There were "points of order" from the floor and pockets of disorder on the floor. In a word, the convention hall was bedlam. As we watched the aimless milling and strained to hurdle the distracting din, Press Politics Editor Sherley Uhl ex-claimed In exasperation: "This is utterly ridiculous." And I was compelled to observe: "Even after 200 years, democracy ain't easy." Ml't Well But despite the bumbling and stumbling that marks the democratic process, the 3fith Democratic party convention managed to meander to a conclusion three hours before dawn Friday.

And all's well that ends. It's a shame the Democrats took that long to give the presidential nomination Sen. George S. McGovern. For, as sportscaster Bob Prince might put it, he had it all the way.

And the only real surprise was his choice of a vice presi-d i a 1 running mate "Eagle who?" a fooler equal to the one Richard M. Nixon sprang here four years ago when he tapped "Spiro who?" Democrats almost always have long-winded sessions. But this time they outdid themselves. They almost succeeded in converting a convention into a filibuster. long Houn As a result, I was up until 5 a.m.

on Tuesday, 2 a.m. on Wednesday, 3 a.m. on Thursday and 4 a.m. on Friday. Long enough to convince me I should forgo politics as a second career.

For Sens. McGovern and Thomas Eagleton, however, this is only the end of the beginning. Before the November election, they'll have many more long days and sleepless nights. Meanwhile, brace yourselves for the real campaign oratory as the quadrennial struggle for the White House lease enters the home stretch. As a sequel to the conven-t i 's oft-cited "McGovern rules," here are some Troan rules you might bear in mind during the next four months: Things aren't as bad as the Democrats will contend.

Nor as good as the Republicans will claim. No matter who's elected In November, the U.S. is not likely to go to hell. Nor turn into an instant Utopia. And when all is said and done, more will be said than done.

bitter pill. to depend on how the convention is conducted and what the various candidates and their supporters do after that. The best way to win is a unified party and effort." Evidently, Mr. Abel didn't like the way the convention was conducted and what the candidates and their supporters did. chiefs most Vt nntahlv I.

W. 11 Stel Workr.S (UtiVY) president said they couldn't support Sen. Mike Gravel, getting up and nominating themselves for the post. Then the delegates got into the spirit of the game and cast votes for no fewer than several dozen persons for the vice presidential nomination, including Archie Bunker, Martha Mitchell, Roger Mudd, Eleanor McGovern and many worthies known only to the wiseacres who voted for them. The Democratic Party Is hard pressed to buy national TV time.

So when it is free for the taking, the convention horsed around until 2:45 a. m. before bringing Sen. McGovern on. By then, much of America had presumably toddled off to bed.

The Republicans, a buttoned-down party that tolerates no such mistakes, should draw satisfaction from the inept finale of their rival's convention Right? Wrong. The last time a hall full of exuberant, quarrelsome Democrats made their standard bearer wait until the wee hours to address them was in 1948. The poor fellow's name was Harry S. Truman. He was heard of again.

LitO clearly developed in the process of nomination, assuage the hurt feelings that resulted and get everybody working toward the same objective party victory in November? Sen. McGovern clearly is not the candidate of the old pros of the party. Rather he is the beneficiary of the rules of the "new politics" which substituted a new system of representation for the old pattern of state bosses with uncommitted delegates. And of the youth movement which seems to have found a firm footing among the Democrats. Both of these factors are new to Democratic politics.

And it remains to be seen how devoted the state and leaders will be to a pattern of politics which dilutes the influence they once held. Unions Oppose And Sen. McGovern is not the candidate of labor officials. In Pennsylvania, they preferred their old friend, Hubert H. Humphrey.

And the top man of them all, AFL-CIO President George Meany, was sulking in his luxury hotel up the beach while the Democrats were making Sen. McGovern their nominee. The prospect for party harmony under Sen. McGovern is a serious consideration. Despite all the pleas for harmony and unity, the 1 1 scrapping Democrats have been members of a pick-up aggregation for the past 40 years.

Franklin D. Roosevelt and his inspired advisers put the modern Democratic party together back in the depression year of 1932. And it worked like a charm four times for Roosevelt, and three more times for his successors. Roosevelt and his aides put together a strange alliance which included the conservative South, the big-city machines of the North, labor, ethnic groups, liberals and anybody else who didn't like the establishment of that time. Alliance Shaky The question is: What happens to this powerful alliance if and when one or more of the component groups drop out? George McGovern may turn out to be a persuasive campaigner, but he is no FDR.

And he doesn't have a full-scale depression and Herbert Hoover to run against. The South isn't solid any more, and both George C. Wallace and Richard M. Nixon may eat into what once was a Democratic preserve. There isn't much union labor support for the nominee.

True, Leonard Woodcock, president of the United Auto Workers spoke a good word for him, and he may get the support of some elements of the union movement. But the displeasure of the Pennsylvania delegation with the McGovern candidacy was made painfully evident. As for the liberals: Sen. McGovern Is spoken of more frequently as a Populist an old Midwestern term which has been revived for this go-round. There isn't a standard list of liberal objectives on which a majority could agree, as there was in 1932.

And there are some new factors in the equation. The youth movement in politics, spurred by the 18-year-old vote, must be considered. So must the increasing interest of the elderly and their special objectives in the political process. For the first three days of the Democratic National Convention, the new-style delegates were almost guilty of false pretenses. They behaved so decorously they resembled, uh, Republicans.

They gathered more or less on lime. Though they were heavily pro-McGovcrn, they listened politely to Waliaceites and Jackson men. They stayed in disciplined ranks and voted with precision. And they stuck to their seats for as much as 11 hours at a time, winning the awed praise of Chairman Lawrence F. O'Brien.

Just when visitors were fearing tbey had wandered into the wrong convention, things reverted to normal at the final session Thursday night and Friday morning. The delegates straggled in late, wasted vast amounts of time with frivolous squabbling, turned the nomination for vice president into something like a farce, and cheated Sen. George S. McGovern of his chance to deliver his acceptance speech during prime viewing time. Although many deprecating things have been said about the vice presidency, the nation's second-highest office deserves better than the spectacle of characters, including State Commentary Philly-Style Politics By PATRICK BOYLE, Harrisburg Correspondent MIAMI BEACH There's a distinct difference between the methods employed in political fights by Democrats from Pittsburgh and Philadelphia.

This fact surfaced here last week during the hectic and dramatic Democratic National Convention, In the first place, Pennsyl- The Villains It was hard to tell who got the worst insults at the Democratic Convention-Richard Nixon or non-union lettuce. 1 a a dele-gates were sharply split in their support for either U. S. Sens. George S.

ern, the eventual nominee; Hubert H. Hum Mr. Verlich Demo cratic nominee, Sen. George S. McGovern, for president.

George Meany, AFL-CIO president, has called a meeting for Wednesday of the AFL-CIO executive council to decide what organized labor will do in the presidential election. By then, the convention set-backs probably will have healed. Mr. Meany previously said Sen. McGovern was "acceptable" to labor, although not one of its top choices.

A number of unions and labor leaders already have endorsed Sen. McGovern. The Democratic nominee has accepted an invitation from Joseph H. Sabel, president of Food Employes Local 590, to address the Amalgamated Meatcutters convention Aug. 8 in Miami.

The invitation was extended after the Amalgamated's ive board endorsed Sen. McGovern last week. For the past two years, organized labor has said Its major goal was to defeat President Nixon in 1972. The AFL-CIO policy is to refrain from presidential endorsements until after the political parties hold their conventions. Mr.

Abel earlier this year said he would be guided' by AFL-CIO policy. He said then, "A lot is going The Shadow Of Peron Mr. Boyle phrey or Edmund S. Muskie. to take their tasks more in stride with quiet and calm deliberation.

The boys from Philly shout more, issue various political warnings and tell each man to pitch and hit or they'll take a bat to his head. Philadelphia Democrats aren't able to accept defeat until the last dog is shot, and it was primarily for that reason that Mr. Camiel began a last-minute drive to stop Sen McGovern by advancing U.S. Sen. Henry M.

(Scoop) Jackson for the nomination. Both Mr. Coon and Allegheny County Commission Chairman Leonard C. Staisey, an appointed McGovern delegate, who don't always see things the same way, considered the move a complete waste of time. And the display of power and influence, as retlected in the Jackson vote, was engineered only to show "those long-haired" McGovern supporters that labor leaders still have some political clout.

That point is important to the political pros in Philadelphia, but it was nothing more than a silly television spectacle to Democratic chieftains from Pittsburgh. that if Peron, now 76, returned from Madrid-and the army didn't interfere he'd be elected. It's amazing what a hold Peronism has on Argentina's working class after 17 years. The explanation is that Peron, despite his dictatorial ways and phony economics, tilted the system in favor of the little man who, until the money ran out, never had it so good. That the people are still so nostalgic for the old demagogue is a mark of failure and incompetence for the military and civilian rulers who came after him.

For that Argentina will continue to pay dearly. Philadelphia Democrats, led by City Chairman Peter J. Camiel, one of the state's sharpest political chieftains, play the game as if their lives depended on the outcome. It's a fulltime preoccupation for them. Mr.

Camiel. like Sheriff Eugene Coon, who is the Allegheny County Democratic chairman, originally joined Gov. Milton J. Shapp in supporting Sen. Muskie for the nomination.

Pittsburgh Democrats tend Remember Juan D. Peron? An army colonel, he ruled Argentina as a Fascist-style dictator from 1945 to 1955. He was greatly aided by his pretty wife, Eva, who became the beloved, demagogic Iady Bountiful of the "shirtless ones" (the masses). Eva died of cancer in 1952 and he put her embalmed body on view as kind of a Peron-Ist saint. In 1955, after he had bankrupted the country with reckless raises to buy labor support, the army oxerthrew him and sent him off to exile.

In a subsequent investigation, it turned out hat he had embezzled himself rich and, while noting as grief-stricken over the loss of Eva, had been committing statutory rape with a 14-year-old giri. A record like that should ruin a politician forever right1 Wrong. Peron's old has just proclaimed him its presidential candidal for the election icheduled next March. And there's little doubt The Pause Worth Repeating Some men think that th gratification of curiosity is the end knowledge; some the necessity oj supporting themselves by their knowledge. But the real use of all knowledge is this: that we should dedicate that reason which was given us by God to tht use and advantage of man.

-Sir Francis Bacon Fischer, Astronauts Heroes' Feet Of Clay By MARY O'HARA July has been rife with shockers. Who would have thought that Bobby Fischer would behave like a conceited brat, grandstanding like a ham wrestler? The traditional image of American iportsmanship took "Bee-utifuir Sharinq The Loot awful tumble when Mr. an Graffiti By HAL BORLAND If time ever stands still, even for an hour, it is on a mid-July day along a rural road, with a leisurely stream on one side and fields and a wooded hillside on the other. It is early afternoon and the air is warm and quiet, even among the top leaves of the roadside trees. The sky is clear and clean except fur a few huge white cumulus clouds that make cool shade patterns as they slowly drift across the sun.

The loudest sound is the drone of a half-sated bumblebee lazily going from one fat head of clover to explore the heavy sweetness of a milkweed's lavender blossoms. Over the stream's slow current is the metallic shimmer of two dragonflies in drifting flight. A painted turtle drowses on a half-submerged log like a black knot edged in scarlet, the colors matching those of the raspberries on the nearby bank, one ripe black berry surrounded by unripe red ones. Black-eyed Susans outshine the roadside daisies, and the first few heads of Queen Anne's lace make flat-topped clusters of yarrow look pewter-gray. A song sparrow sings, pausing between phrases but still sounding out of season.

A catbird somewhere in the trees i 1 i two phrases of the sparrow's song. Out in the stream a fish surfaces, slaps the water, and the circling ripples spread, gleaming in the sunlight, ripples like time itself. (CvrftM Hl twin.) lot behind the hall where the Democrats were in convention. Because presidential possibilities and others of national importance were driving in and out of the lot, the security was that of a concentration camp. Special barbed wire honed to razor sharpness was strung above closely-meshed steel fencing.

This is America? This is America, 1972, bristling with the trappings of what we fled, principal of which is fear. And we have reason to fear the militant mob (zippies are threatening even more serious confrontations when Republicans convene next month); the gun-toting paranoid; the drugged desperado. Why can't we dispel the mobs and remove guns and drugs? Why can't we walk In freedom la thii land? Fischer's fellow Americans began hoping the Russian would win the world's chess championship. Then there was the revelation of the clay underpinnings of the crew of Apollo 15. We like to think the astronauts are special people and we have clothed them in the raiment of heroes.

To learn that three of these special people were not above the lure of a shady money deal in connection with their historic flight was not merely disillusioning; it was a devastating blow to the image of the American hero. But the severest shock of all was a glimpse in Miami Beach last week of just how far this country has veered from its course of openness and freedom, of guileless egalitarian-ism. The scene wu the parking Hkte AWI -Prom Tht PtillortloW Ni'I'l' uU i A 4 1-t-'-t-'-'--A---' Mid id mm.