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Drew Pearson Nixon Facing A Problem In Relations With Russia The Palm Beach Post A JOHN H. PERRY NEWSPAPER Joaa H. Ptny Jr. Piaa. W. W. Auariwy Jr., Tim Caril B. Ktlby. Publiahnr. Gwnl Manatar R. H. Kirkpatriek. Editor C. E. Naubauar, luc. Editor R. Mtrla Ella. Circubtio Dinttor Publiahad Each Day Eicapt Saturday and Sunday at 2761 South Dili, Waat Palm Buck, FU. 3340 By Parry Publication, Inc. Sacond cUm poataia paid it IM Palm Baack, Florida Mamoar of tba Aaiotiatad Praia THa Aiaotiatad Praia aiclunvtly antitlad to tk aaa lor rapublicatraa of all nava Maabar Audit Buraau of Circulation SI DIPTIOK IATES-4 AIE ited Russia, engaged in the so-called kitchen debate with Ni-kita Khrushchev which he used in his subsequent election campaign to put Khrushchev T iaaday 1 yaar 131.30 montha ...315 60 3 montha 37 60 1 OKI I 60 Saaday Oaly 1 yaar 110 40 6 montha .... 35.20 3 montha 32.60 1 walk 6 .20 Saaday 131 20 ...S1&60 ....IT SO 1 .60 Oaly Tint 120 SO ...110.40 ....15 20 140 Pom aaa 1 ua Poa I yaar 6 montha I montha 1 ati Daily Poll ar 1 yaar 6 montha 3 montha lwaak I yaar 149.40 (montha ...124.70 i aiontba .. .112 35 lwaak I 96 Siaila Caav Poat or Timaa 10 Sunday Poat-Tinai . .26 Pau t Saaday 1 yaar 146.00 montha . . . 123.00 3 montha ... 112 00 MV.Ll um Poll or Timai 1 .20 Ctnaral Offic ....333 4011 nail Payabh) in Tiana A Saaday 345 00 323 00 312.00 rates advanca Daily Only Saaday Poll or TimM Oaly 330 00 315.00 116 00 M00 00 65 00 National Advarttaing Rapraientativaa John H. Perry Amociataa Suita 502, 19 Weat 44th Stnat, Naw York, N Y. 10036 By Mail Sunday Poat-Timaa ... 1 .3' Want Adi 833-4033 NOVEMBER 13, 1968 Grain WEDNESDAY MORNING, Against The But the basic point is that the Russians, even including most of the hardliners, believe that the future of world peace depends on cooperation between the two super powers. They recognize that the United States and the Soviet now have very similar problems, even down to students. In Prague the Czech students have been rioting against Moscow very much as Mexican students were rioting against the United States. The Russians will also deftly remind you when you criticize their armed invasion of Czechoslovakia that the United States put 20,000 troops into the tiny Dominican Republic only a short time ago for exactly the same reason the Russians went into Czechoslovakia: namely refusal to let a foreign ideology get planted In a country very close to one's own. The question of Nixon's cooperation with Russia will first come to a head If President Johnson calls a special session of the Senate to ratify the nucelar Non-Proliferation Pact. He has been seriously considering such a move. The Non-Proliferation Pact was negotiated with great difficulty. While the United States and the Soviet Union had little trouble reaching an agreement, they had great trouble with smaller countries. West Germany, Italy, and Brazil, all good friends and allies of the United States, were extremely reluctant about giving up their right to nuclear production. The Soviet also had trouble with some of its allies such as Romania, though Romania in the end signed the pact. President Johnson feels that time Is of the essence. If the United States, which initiated the treaty, does not ratify, we will lose forever the chance to get the approval of the smaller countries. This would lead to a nuclear race in which any little country could blackmail the rest of the world with one bomb. LBJ Is hoping that now that Nixon Is elected he will change his mind about the pact. WASHINGTON Biggest problem facing Richard Nixon when he becomes President will be relations with the only other nation which has a nuclear stockpile Soviet Russia. It is also the nation with the biggest arsenal of missiles next to ours the second biggest Navy in the world, and a standing army bigger than ours. One week after he became President, Lyndon Johnson decided that if the two most powerful nations in the world the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. could cooperate, there could be world peace. Since then he has worked hard at this policy, and on the whole it has paid off. The Russians have curbed their Plutonium stockpile, lived up to the Test-Ban Treaty, signed a very important Non-Prolifera-tion Pact, signed a consular pact which we wanted more than they, opened a direct airline between Moscow and New York, and expressed their willingness last spring to discuss a limitation of missiles and of anti-ballistic missile networks. Incidentally, we have found the Russians scrupulous in living up to treaty agreements. Satellite observation is such that our intelligence services have an excellent idea what Soviet missile strength Is and what tests are being made. Ever since the Cuban missile crisis, we have found that the Russians have been careful about their statements. In the recent Vietnam truce talks they did not promise too much, but made good on what they did. Nixon, however, will approach Soviet-American relations with some handicaps. He has urged postponement of Senate action on the vitally Important Non-Prollferatlon Pact. He has said during the recent campaign that he favored going ahead with the $50 billion anti-ballistic missile network; also wants to increase the missile stockpile. This Is just the opposite of the Johnson policy. Previously Nixon had vis Victor Riesel Labor's Campaign Costs Estimated At $60 Million & I Vtrl -c-r Av in a bad light. The Russians had gone out of their way to give Nixon a rousing welcome, and remember vividly how Nixon turned a gesture of Russian hospitality into a matter of political expediency. They also remember how he climbed to political power by falsely claiming that such non-Communists as Rep. Jerry Voorhis and Rep. Helen Gaha-gan Douglas of California were pro-Communist. All of this gives the new President a reputation for insincerity and political expediency with the government with which he must now do business if he Is to continue the present policy of Soviet-American peacekeeping for the world. However, the Russians are pragmatic people. They also recognize pragmatism when they see It, and they see it in Mr. Nixon. Shortly before he was nominated at Miami Beach, he approached the State Department with a view to visiting Moscow The Russians agreed. This is not hearsay, but fact. Then, following the Czech invasion, Nixon decided It would not be smart politics for him to go to Russia, and the trip was called off. However, you can be pretty sure the Russians will still talk to Nixon. They'll probably keep their fingers crossed and be more wary than with LBJ whom they had come to trust. election may not make It any easier to deal with Thleu. On the eve of the election Vice President Humphrey was saying, "The foreign policy of the U.S. and the fate of young Americans In Vietnam should and will be determined by the President of the U.S. and not by any foreign government. That policy and those People of the United States generally have always believed that a day's work was a fair exchange for a day's pay. And apparently in spite of some well publicized dissent this is one basic idea the people retain. Recent opinion polls show that 68 per cent of the American public favors a guaranteed job program so that everyone capable of working might have the opportunity to do so. In contrast, only 36 per c.-ni favor a guaranteed annual income. To the average person, the great drawback to government paying everybody a certain minimum income still seems to be two-fold. The cost, added to present welfare programs which are growing bigger every day, would be more than the nation's working taxpayers could stand; and politically it seems highly unlikely that the hundreds of local, state and federal welfare programs would be dropped or cut back. A more basic objection is the fact that something-for-nothing has never yet encouraged anybody to work harder to help himself and so far that is the only way anybody has ever gotten out of poverty. We are being told that the millennium is coming, when all the work will be done by machines controlled by computers and most of us will have nothing more burdensome to do than find ways to utilize our leisure time. Maybe so. But, in the meantime, most of us find the idea of guaranteeing everybody an income as a matter of right, whether they work or not, utterly nonsensical. central mailing. This printed flood was so vast even Al Barkan, director of the AFL-CIO's Committee on Political Education (COPE) had no Clayton Fritchey Saigon Dislike Of Coalition Should Not Surprise U.S. Different' Polls NEW YORK For the union chiefs, this campaign was a labor of love and hate, at a cost so fantastic only a computer's memory box could count up the millions of dollars. Sabotaged by the Kennedy clan, mocked by the McCar-thyltes, derided as old fuddy-duddies by the Americans for Democratic Action, gleefully walloped by George Wallace In their own strongholds, America's labor movement poured out well over $60 million for Hubert H. Humphrey. Of course, reaction of weary labor chiefs to this figure will be derisive denunciation. This Is understandable. No powerful political force Is enthused over listings of Its gold flow. But never In labor's history has It given so much heart and treasury to crush Its opponents. In this campaign, George C. Wallace, even more than Richard M. Nixon, was the enemy. The high cost of living through a campaign such as labor unleashed Is Inconceivable until you put a pencil to work on just a few projects and unions. Labor's central headquarters mailed and shipped over 55 million pieces of literature some of It mighty expensive printing. Easily, the rest of the labor movement deluged the nation with several times that LETTERS to the EDITORS Mr. Labor himself, George Meany, hit a network of some 330 stations five times. The Ladles' Garment Workers put on four national broadcasts. Thousands of locals hit the airways with their own appeals. There were special drives for the "nationalities" vote sometimes known as the foreign language appeals. From labor's point of view, it was their most splendid hour. "It was the most all-out effort the labor movement ever has made," said'Al Zack, one of a handful of men close to George Meany. "It was more Intense than the effort to beat Barry Goldwater. I never saw anything like It. I saw more hard work, more intensity, more evidence of union signs, sound trucks, billboards, union registration drives, than ever before. We even had union registration headquarters deep In Watts. It was American labor's greatest political push." Whatever else It did, it did not wipe out George Wallace. His nine million votes puts him permanently in the political party business. Those votes came from AFL-CIO members and their families. Local labor leaders will have to reckon with this every minute from now until 1972. In the early hours of the momlng after, as I wandered from my radio and TV studio mikes to the Democrats' plush Bastille at the Hotel Pierre and Richard Nixon's posh 35th floor soft music and tinkling glasses retreat at the Waldorf, I thought that most of my colleagues had missed one essential point in the final election commentaries. They talked of Wallace "running a poor third." For the man from Montgomery, it was a victory. He was a sideshow this time. He'll be a main eventer next time. His nine million votes give him a powerful base now and much of it is inside labor. The campaign is over, but the past is prelude. Opinion samplers, as they wade through the vote fallout to try to find out what went right and what went wrong with their predictions, might cast a glance at the techniques pioneered by students at the Stanford Graduate School of Business during the presidential campaign. These ranged from counting bumper stickers and letters to the editor to planting "lost letters" on the ground near mailboxes, addressed to either "Nixon for President Committee" or "Humphrey for President Committee." The volume of return for each candidate supposedly gave a feeling of his popular support. One of the most interesting techniques was to measure water pressure in several communities to detect any mass abandonment of television sets during political broadcasts. The goal of these and other so-called "unobtrusive" methods was to measure voter sentiment without encountering the role playing and biasing that occurs in interviews. Generally, the unorthodox approach compared well with the findings of the traditional pollsters, which is good news for a public that has been analyzed interviewed and cross-sectioned to death. There were pitfalls, however. One early bumper-sticker poll found Snoopy leading both Humphrey and Nixon by 2 to 1. Billy Graham Lord Doesn't Ask The Impossible young Americans should not be placed at the mercy of domestic political considerations In another country." Richard Nixon, In contrast, has always said, In concert with Thleu, that the U.S. must not "Impose" a solution on Saigon. From an American point of view, however, the question Is not one of Imposing peace on Saigon, but of Saigon Imposing on the U.S. a continuation of the war. In. Justifying his refusal to deal with the NLF, Thleu says, "Our existence is at stake." This may be no exaggeration, so he and his fellow generals have a right to keep on fighting If they prefer that to negotiating. At the same time, the U.S. has a right to withdraw Its troops If the junta refuses to join in a compromise peace settlement that Is acceptable to our government. bear strong witness to the power of God to keep one faithful In infirmities. The Lord has given you a golden opportunity to witness for Him In the very choicest setting: In affliction. He says to you as He said to the infirm-ed Paul: "My grace Is sufficient for thee." And you can say with Paul: "For my strength Is made perfect In weakness. Most gladly therefore will I rather glory In my Infirmities, that the power of Christ may rest upon me." Bible Verse But he gives more grace; therefore it says, "God opposes the proud but gives grace to the humble." James 4:6 WASHINGTON - Nothing could be more understandable than popular American Impatience with President Thieu's reluctance to participate in the Paris peace negotiations, but it Is not altogether fair to the South Vietnam leaders. This Is not to suggest that America should defer to Thleu (quite the contrary), but It should be acknowledged that the South Vietnamese generals, all of them, have consistently said they would never negotiate with the National Liberation Front (Viet Cong), and would never accept a peace based on a coalition government with the NLF. If this stand comes as a shock to the U.S. public, It is not the fault of President Thieu or Vice President Ky. As long ago as November 1965 they were openly making their position known. The Johnson Administration, especially Secretary of State Dean Rusk, chose to brush off these warnings. Rusk repeatedly insisted there were no real differences between Washington and Saigon over peace negotiations. Off the record, the press was reassured that the Saigon leaders would come around when the chips were down. Now, the day of reckoning is here, and the differences can no longer be papered over. The South Vietnamese government Is not yet In a strong enough position to resist. U.S. pressure, so It doubtless will end up sending a delegation to the Paris pace talks, but that doesn't mean it will either negotiate In good faith or agree to a settlement which might be acceptable to the U.S. Thleu and Ky are first of all generals. They are key members of a small military Junta which, with U.S. backing, has run South Vietnam during the American Intervention. They feel they have everything to lose, and nothing to gain by a peaceful settlement which they fear would probably be the beginning of the end for them. Their hopes for the future have always rested on a clear cut military victory, which would make political compromise with the Communists unnecessary. Since the junta never made any bones about this, the U.S. government (as distinct from the American people) Is hardly In a position to complain about the present seeming Intransigence of the generals. It may be said that the Interests of the South Vietnamese people, unlike the Interests of the Junta, would be advanced by almost any kind of peace, but the Saigon government is being run by the generals, not the people. So let us admit, first, that It Is only natural for the generals to look out for themselves, and, second, that what Is good for them Is not necessarily good for the U.S. The outcome of the U.S. way of keeping track of what was happening In the field among the 60,000 local unions. Thus, on Oct. 21, he urged regional labor leaders to send COPE "two copies of all campaign materials you produced and distributed to members. This would Include special campaign editions and other heavily political editions of your international union or state AFL-CIO journals, as well as leaflets, pamphlets, etc." In two months of this campaign, these came to tens of millions of pieces and full newspapers. The Carpenters spent almost $100,000 on one membership mailing alone. On the record, the Machinists (1,900 lodges) spent over $500,000; the Ladles' Garment Workers (200 locals), another $500,000; the Seafarers, $1 million; the National Maritime Union, half a million; the Teamsters (900 locals), over two million; the Auto Workers (1,275 locals), another two million; Steelworkers (3,250 locals), about a million. But all this is petty cash when compared with the local spending from the kickoff, massive Labor Day Parade up Fifth Ave. here to the last-minute caravans and get-out-the-vote telephone squads. There were hundreds of radio and television broadcasts. road 80. We finally found a little sand road leading to the beach. Pulling off the road right-of-way, we were sure we were offending no one. I have never, and will never, approve of the hippie movement or student demonstrations, but this experience gave me a feeling of the utter frustration our young people must be experiencing to make them join such groups. There are so many NOs and DON'Ts that one finds it difficult to' be law-abiding. Our community goes to great expense to advertise In other parts of the country to lure people to move to Florida, all the while creating an atmosphere that makes most of our young people yearn for the day they are old enough to leave. The merchants sell them skate boards but there Is no place they are allowed to skate: they sell them surf boards but all the beaches are closed to surfing; they sell them skin-diving and fishing equipment but they are forbidden to park anywhere that would be accessible to the ocean. There are few movies unsaturated with sex and violence. This rather limits the available recreation In the Palm Florida Working Against Itself Street Junkyards Due to Illness I haven't been able to attend church for a long time, and I feel guilty about it. C.B. The Lord does not require you to do the Impossible. "He knoweth our frame; he re-membereth that we are dust . . . but the mercy of the Lord Is from everlasting to everlasting to them that fear him." Some of the greatest Christians have been bedfast and unable to attend church. Their sickbed becomes a sanctuary, their pillow an altar, and each visitor a worshipper. From their pulpit "f affliction thev Ain't It The Truth! What a world! If we're not sunk In debt, we're deep In bookkeeping to control It. We fight with our neighbors, we're mad at the government, we have no patience with other age groups and we kick, bite, scratch and scream to beat the rest of the family to the dial on the color TV. "Life is simply one damned thing alter another." Elbert Hubbard Isn't it the truth Most rich women who acquire poor but presentable husbands try to wear the pants for the family; which is by way of saying they dictate how many pairs of trousers a husband shall possess and where he will go in them. "He that marries for wealth sells his liberty." -George Herbert, 1640 Beaches. Even to dance, they must go to Riviera Beach or Lake Worth. Should we wonder then why our young people resort to drinking beer which, of course, Is, and certainly should be, Illegal? Every day there are numerous arrests of teenagers for possession of alcoholic beverages, but seldom do you see the names of the suppliers. It's time we removed some of the petty restrictions we have placed on these young Americans and give them areas for wholesome activities and sports. We should provide a community center large enough to accommodate them and allow them to help In the planning and governing of It. Support them rather than merely tolerate them. We should show them we care by emphasizing what Is right with them and stop associating the word "teenager" with LSD, dope and glue sniffing. We don't associate the entire adult population with murder, robber, and raDlst. We must realize that by Investing In these future adult citizens we will encourage them to stay In this area and build a better community for all of us. LOUISE C. POLSON West Palm Beach Editor At dusk I walked upon the beach enjoying a few moments of peaceful solitude; so rare is such a moment In these troubled times. Our little dog played tag with the sandpipers and fiercely battled a crab, only to lose as It sought refuge In the sea. I saw a ray of sun shining through puffy pink clouds beamed on the giant ocean stage where plays the great drama of life. The battered remains of a small crudely-bulU sailing vessel rested on the silver sand, the end of Its journey. I explained to my young son that the stout little boat probably brought Cuban refugees fleeing from a land of oppression to this great beautiful land of freedom. This tranquility was shattered when we returned to our car and discovered a red ticket on the windshield charging us with tresspassing, although there were no signs Indicating this lovely stretch of natural Florida beach to be private property. We had driven miles along the ocean seeking a spot where we might stroll as a family, which Includes our small dog. The money spent on "NO PARKING" signs would have four-laned state American affluence would seem to have reached some sort of limit. The problem of litter is now not just one of people dumping rubbish out of cars but of dumping the cars themselves. According to the Automobile Manufacturers Association, Americans junked six million cars and 856,000 trucks in 1966. The vast majority wind up back in the blast furnace by way of the scrap dealer, but for increasing numbers of the worn-out vehicles, the police are being called upon to act as middleman. Because of new steelmaking processes that require less scrap metal, prices for scrap have fallen from about $42 a ton to $10 a ton in the past 10 years. Since it can cost more to tow a car to the junkyard than the junk dealer will pay for it, some people are simply removing their plates and leaving the cars on the streets. In New York, for example, iunked cars are collected at the rate of 39,000 a year. It's 20,000 in Philadelphia and 16,000 in Detroit. Apparently, it is easier and less expensive for authorities to haul a car away, impound it and auction it off than to try to trace its owner and bring him to book for littering. Put it down as another public service we all have to pay for in this mechanized society.