The Palm Beach Post from West Palm Beach, Florida on November 4, 1968 · Page 8
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November 4, 1968

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The Palm Beach Post from West Palm Beach, Florida · Page 8

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West Palm Beach, Florida
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Monday, November 4, 1968
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Page 8
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& Palm Beach Post, Monday, Nov. 4, 1968 Temple Hears Childhood Expert By HV WHITE Stall Writer Jhe most critical period of growth Is early childhood, according to Dr. Emmy Louise Widmer. tr. Widmer, who is childhood specialist at Florida At-lajtic University, spoke before the Temple Israel Discussion Group, Sunday morning, at Schwartzberg Hall on "Early Childhood Education: Young Children in the World of Today." the speaker is consultant for OEO Migrant and Heads-tart Programs and is serving on the Florida State Department of Education Committee on Early Childhood Education. She Is also on the Advisory Committee In planning for the 1970 White House Conference on Children and Youth. Throughout her talk, Dr. Widmer stressed that early pushing of advanced education to children is ineffective. The early years of a child are the formative period, she said. "This is the century of the child," she continued. "This Is all to the good. But it can be a mixed blessing If we are not interested in the child's needs, to know how he ticks. "It is erroneous if we donot note the early childhood period. The child is learning from the time he awakens in the morning until he goes to sleep at night." HOW REP. "BOB" DE YOUNG AND SEN. JERRY THOMAS Voted on Preserving Our Constitutional Rights RATING FACTS PRODUCED BY FLORIDA'S AMERICANS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL ACTION: Dr. Widmer asked, "What is the best program for the children of today and tomorrow?" Her answer was, "We don't have all the answers." Continuing she said, "It is difficult for children to understand the relationship of learning In school to out of school. "Think well before robbing children of their childhood with wrong goals." She warned against pressuring a child to grow up too fast. "Short term learning Is of little permanence," she said. "Do we want to produce Quiz Kids?" she asked. Then she added, "What about original thought and creative Ideas?" "The important thing in education today is experience that provides stimulation," she said. "Children have built-in resources for learning. They are eager to learn; they ask questions. Interest, curiosity, activity . . . these are their resources for learning. We do not ask how children learn, but make learning a part of them. "Allow for full use of their five senses. If they are kept seated they cannot feel, touch, taste. The children learn by first hand experiences. Seeing, hearing, doing . . . that's how they learn. We must give them time to explore if we are to develop them to their highest potential." In the answer period, Dr. Widmer said that schools reflect what the community wants them to reflect; that portrayal of violence in mass media re-acts on the children; look at children as they are so they will not hate school. Andrews' Book Used In Brazil BOCA RATON - Dr. Donald H. Andrews, professor emeritus of chemistry at Florida Atlantic University, has had one of his books translated into Portuguese for use at the Brazilian University of Sao Paulo. The general chemistry text, already in use in Mexico City in a Spanish translation, is called in Portuguese, "Quimi-ca Geral." The text will also be used in French-speaking countries. Dr. Andrews came to fAU In 1963 from Johns Hopkins, where he was on the faculty from 1927, holding the B. N. Baker chemistry chair from 1950. A graduate of Yale University, where he received the Ph.D., Dr. Andrews also held post-doctoral fellowships at Yale, the universities of California and Leiden, Holland, and Franklin Institute of BILL J- JSS 4 I968 ortiC CU"tV pea, . somlnee CO' for Vur 9ratl elects genet3 J Paid Advertising by Bill J. Bailey Campaign Fund ' THE FOLLOWING ARE THE REASONS FOR THEIR CONCERN: 1. 4. FOR Local Self-Government and the citizen's FOR safeguarding the God given rights of the individual and promoting sound economic growth by strengthening constitutional government; AGAINST "group morality," o socialized economy and centralization of government 2 right to be left alone; AGAINST Central Government Intervention in local government and private offoirs. 5. FOR Private Ownership and control of the means of production and distribution; AGAINST Government Ownership and competition with private competitive enterprise. 6. FOR Individual liberty, rights, and responsibilities; AGAINST coercion of individuals through government regulation. FOR Sound Money and fiscal integrity; AGAINST inflation. 3. FOR o Private, Competitive Market and Individual freedofn of choice; AGAINST Government Interference by price fixing and controls. THE RECORD SHOWS CLEARLY WHO IS MORE CONCERNED ABOUT YOUR WELFARE AND YOUR COUNTRY'S . . . BOB DE YOUNG 54.5 JERRY THOMAS 36.4 PULL LEVER 1 1 A BOB DE YOUNG REPUBLICAN FOR STATE SENATE DISTRICT 35 PAID FOR BY ROBERT C. DE YOUNG CAMPAIGN TREASURER Imt a feii? hours to decide 0 0 0 which candidate is most qualified to deal with the important issue of the World Arms Race. Take a few minutes to read the views of these publications regarding this vital issue. r IThe Arms Race And The Candidates Humphrey for President New York Times October 6, 1968 much less interest m the subject. He is now urging a delay in the ratification of the Nonproliferation Treaty. Even worse, he has resurrected the "missile gap" argument misused by President Kennedy and insists that he will not enter into arms negotiations with the Soviet Union until sometime in the future when this country has reached new and unspecified superiority in nucleai strength. He is busily promising to outstrip the Russians in space and to build a nuclear Navy "second to none.' The United States does not reed a President intent on speeding up both the arms race and the space race. result of his efforts than those of any man in public or private life. Next to President John F. Kennedy, no public official had more to do with the passage of the limited nuclear test ban. No one hits demonstrated a deeper awareness of the threats to America and world security represented by a runaway arms race. The taming of power, rather than the accumulation ol power or the glorification of power, remains the first imperative of the atomic age. If one were to decide the election on this one issue alone, he would be encompassing most of the other Issues of our time. - N.C. IN 1900, many independent voters could not see much difference between John F. Kennedy and Mellaril M. Nixon, two seemingly cool, calculating, ambitious young politicians. However, this newspaper believed that there were significant differences in conviction and outlook. We endorsed Mr. Kennedy. In 1968 many voters assert that they cannot see much difference between Mr. Nixon and Hubert H. Humphrey, but, again, this newspaper believes that there are significant differences in conviction and outlook. We endorse Mr. Humphrey. An endorsement of a candidate is in this instance also a favorable judgment on the personality and character of one man and an adverse judgment on his lival. Mr. Humphrey is a warm, generous, idealistic, open man. Mr. Nixon has gradually risen above th'! iersonal abuse and the narrow partisanship of his early campaigns, but he remains slick and evasive on some of the central issues. Saturday Review October 26, 1968 HTHE only issue of greater consequence than Viet-A nam in the Presidential election is the world arms race. For if the arms race gets out of control, the lesult could be a sharp downturn in the quality of l,fe inside the United States and a prodigious increase in the risk of a world nuclear convulsion. Two sti.tements by Richard M. Nixon that liear on this issue are disquieting in the extreme. The first statement is that, because of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, he favors a delay in the non-proliferation treaty. The second statement is that the United States should be second to none as a military power. Mr. Nixon's emphasis, unlike that of President Eisenhower anc' President Kennedy, is not on the control of force but on the pursuit of force. This can only mean that if Mr. Nixon is President there will he an intensification of all aspects of the arms race The result will be not more security but less, since there will be corresponding escalation by the Soviet I nion with a vast increase of nervous terror on all sides. Consider Mr. Nixon's unfortunate statement on the non-proliferation treaty. It is apparent that Mr. Nixon doesn't understand what the treaty is supposed to do and why it is in the American national interest. If Mr. Nixon took the position that the cul-tur d exchange treaty or the agreeemnt on direct flights between both countries should be held up as a protest over the assault on Czechoslovakia, then his stand might he arguable, but it would at least he relevant. For he would then be talking about a bilateral situation. But the non-proliferation treaty is not a bilateral treaty. It is a multilateral treaty. Its main purpose is to get as many nations as possible to agree not to make or acquire nuclear weapons. This is an irreducible requirement for the public safety. ThiJ capacity of small nations for touching off huge conflagrations is one of history's most awe-som facts. To increase this volatility by adding nuclear weapons is to compound danger beyond calculation. No one stands to gain more thnn the United Stat.-s frt-n the passage of a non-proliferation treaty. No ie stands to lose more than the United States from the delay or defeat of the treaty. It seems astounding that Mr. Nixon, thinking to demonstrate U.S. displeasure ovei Czechoslovakia, should seek to do it by jeopardizing both the national interest and the human interest. ICven more disturbing is Mr. Nixon's statement that the United States should lie supreme in military po vtr in the world. Since the Russians are not going to qccept this proposition, this means that both countries can look forward to the most costly and ominous competition in history. Beyond the anti-misiil'j missile, with its price tag of fifty billions or more, is the whole field of nuclear arms in space, with a price tag of another hundred billion dollars. Each escalation in such a race serves only to set the stage for the next jump, n'ith insecurity rising in direct proportion. Apart from the military frustrations and dangers involved in the amis race are the hammer blows to the American economy. The U.S. has been concerned over the outflow of gold and the weakening of the dollar. This problem is directly related to mammoth U.S. military spending. So is inflation. But Mr. Nixon, in effect, now proposes to intensify and accelerate this process. If Vietnam, with its military budget of seventy billions a year, is weakening the American economy, what will the consequences be of yearly military spending twice that amount, a likely price tag for a military machine that is "second to none"? World conditions may require strong defenses, but the primary objective at the very least should be limitation and control rather than an unattainable and undcfinable "supremacy." Most serious of all would be the adverse effect of a new jump in the world arms race on the prospects for upgrading vital social services Inside the United States. The nation needs a strong economic base on which to build social reform. No President in recent American history had taller or finer plans for combating squalor, wretchedness, diesease, and inadequate schooling than Lyndon B. Johnson. All these programs have been undercut or wrecked by Vietnam. There can be no expectations for basic progress in meeting American needs at home if present military spending is not only not reduced but indeed is enlarged. Whatever criticisms may have been directed at Vice President Hubert Humphrey on other grounds, his stand against the dangers of a world arms race and his emphasis on the need for effective controls have been consistent and call for the widest understanding and recognition. The fact that there is now a department in the U.S. Government called the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency is more the St. Petersburg Times Sunday, October 20, 1968 In Brief: Why Humphrey? Because he has a reliable understanding of the nuclear threat, and of the necessity to control the atom. Because he picked Sen. Edmund S. Muskie for Vice President. Because he understands the Communist threat in a changing world, and advocates policies to advunce freedom. Because of Humphrey's excellent record in combating organized crime as mayor of Minneapolis, and because his programs would lead to more Listing order and social stability than his opponents'. Because he is a kind and compassionate man. Mr. Humphrey has superior claims to the Pres- idency in three critical areas. The first of these is foreign aflairs, specifically arms control and the starrli for peace. The most important international " issue today is a slowing of the nuclear arms race. The compe tition in these deadly weapons is once more spiraling upward and threatens to slip out of liiim;in control. No subject will be more important fnf the next President. For nearly twenty years Mr. " Humphrey has devoted himself tirelessly to this problem. He was the author of the bill establishing : an independent Arms Control and Disarmament t Agency in 1961. In season and out he worked to I stop the nuclear tests which were poisoning the atmosphere, efforts that finally resulted in the limit-" ed Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. President Kennedy Z was indulging in no exaggeration when he said to Mr. Humphrey: "This is your treaty." Mr. Humphrey is now actively working for the ratification of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, " whir-h would commit the existing nuclear nations not to distribute nuclear weapons to other countries. He " would, we believe, dedicate himself wholeheartedly to the search for practical ways of lessening the overwhelming nuclear danger. As the original propo-nent of the Peace Corps and of the Food-for-Peace Program, he has the talent and the active concern . needed to strengthen the United Nations and to build new international institutions. i ' In contrast. Mi. Nixon took no initiative on dis-armament when he was Vice President and showed In the span of the present campaign, proof that Mr. Humphrey's judgment is superior to that of Mr. Nixon has been provided by their respective choices for Vice Piesident. Senator Edmund S. Muskie has e' perience. dignity and moral force. He is in himself a cogent argument tor preferring the Democratic ticket, especially when it is recalled that four Vice Presidents in this century have succeeded to the Pre idivicv on the death of the incumbent. In the brief period since nomination, Gov. Spiro T. Ay,new has already proved from his injudicious, intemperate remarks that he is utterly inadequate. ... The sole persuasive argument offered for Mr. Nixon's election is that he might produce a period of calm and consolidation. But this presupposes that he is a popular and widely trusted figure like General Eisenhower, which he manifesdy is not, as his divisive and partisan record over the years makes clear. Moreover, the strenuous demands upon America's leadership both at home and abroad do not permit four years of rest and passivity. This critical era calls for a leadci with ideas, enthusiasm, energy and a clear moral commitment. This newspaper believes that Hubert H. Humphrey is such a leader, and in the truly critical situation - foreign and domestic - in which this country finds itself, we strongly urge his election to the Presidency of the United States. ONLY HUMPHREY . - has a thorough understanding of the nuclear power that threatens us all Only Humphrey has been truly dedicated to peace and Hit control of arms Compart his first decision with I Nixon's Look at the choices for Vice President Only Humphrey applied judgment Agnew is totally unqualified Gen. LeMay is a reckless militarist Sen. Muskie is a fully prepared and experienced national leader . . . TRUST HUMPHREY This Political Advrlitmnt Pi id for by Florida Citiitns For Humphroy-Muikit, Tod Taub, Chairman

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