The Des Moines Register from Des Moines, Iowa • Page 4

4A DES MOINES SUNDAY REGISTER MARCH 7, 1982 FBI probed Iowa's Subversive9 women's movement campus and had serious purposes not (ISP). Axu, Jan II. low gtt PnlTrlty III. PTJlwtlty of Inrtlurn speak at the school in 1967, including Stokely Carmichael and James Meredith. Might as Well Be Russia James Lowrie, an ISU English professor and head of the lecturers program, said he didn't know the FBI was watching.

"My God! We might as well live in Russia," he said. But the civil rights movement drew the personal attention of Hoover, who was convinced black activists were communist-inspired. Throughout much of the '60s, the FBI chief directed counterintelligence activities against Martin Luther King to prevent "the rise of a black 'messiah' who could unify and electrify" the civil rights movement, a 1968 FBI document states. Hoover brought his fears to Iowa in December 1970 with an order to agents here to investigate "all black student groups" at ISU, UNI, the University of Iowa, Drake University and Simpson, Central, William Penn, Grinnell, Grand View, Luther, Wartburg and Coe colleges and the University of Dubuque. The memo reads: "The Bureau has advised that active immediately all Black Student Unions and similar organizations organized to project the demands of black students are to be subjects of discreet preliminary inquiries.

These inquiries are to be limited to established sources and carefully conducted to avoid criticism." Several university officials said recently that the FBI overreacted. "The Black Student Union has never been, in my view, radical or communistic-oriented or any of those negative things that might attract the FBI," said Layton, the former ISU vice president. Former University of Iowa president Willard Boyd said: "I don't see why the Afro-American student group should have been focused on. I was not aware the FBI was doing this." Maucker, UNI's former president, said: "I wouldn't have thought there needed to be surveillance from an official agency of the federal government." The black student group at UNI, he said, "was indigenous to the be Communists land no organizations which might be of the Communistic type." But the political protests of the 1960s brought new hope to the FBI's search. "The FBI could not see these protests as mere expressions of dissenting political views but rather interpreted them as evidence of a new subversion abroad in the land," wrote Sanford Ungar in his book, "The FBI." Indeed, Hoover said in September 1968, "Communists are in the forefront of civil rights, anti-war and student demonstrations." That very month, all Iowa FBI agents were given orders saying, "It is imperative that each new chapter" of the SDS at Iowa colleges be investigated.

UNI Probe Agents were quick to respond. In November, FBI agent Paul C. Young described how his investigation turned up "individuals active in SDS at the University of Northern "These persons have been mentioned by UNI officials as connected with the organization. Further, some of these persons were identified from automobile license numbers as being at the SDS meeting at the Unitarian Universalist Society in Cedar Falls. "It is recommended that new cases be opened on each person mentioned and active investigation undertaken to secure background data.

Contacts will be made with established sources at UNI for further data on each person." But the FBI did more than just investigate the group, documents indicate. Agents in Waterloo were in charge of a "counterintelligence program" aimed at "disruption of the New Left," at UNI in 1968. But the documents have been censored to keep the FBI's activities secret. Not surprisingly, "the word 'paranoid' was on everybody's lips at the time," said Robert Sayre, a University of Iowa English professor whose name showed up in FBI files when he attended an SDS meeting. "But one of the ironic things was that the government was more paranoid than the private citizens were." Legal, Public "Everything we did was legal, and everything was public," said Howard Ehrlich, a former professor at the Continued from Page One demonstration.

There is no chance of embarrassment to the Bureau." It is difficult to say just what the FBI was up to, because it has censored substantial portions of the documents. But at other colleges outside of Iowa, federal records have shown the FBI tapped phones, conducted burglaries, opened mail and used other techniques to spy on students methods the bureau curtailed after Congress and the public became alarmed about them in the 1970s. "I think our present director has made tremendous steps in trying to get the agents in the FBI to understand that you not only have to be right, you have to look right and that they are not to be out on witch hunts," said Herb Hawkins, chief of the FBI's Omaha field office, which oversees Iowa. "Just because somebody doesn't agree with the government or society doesn't give anyone the right to investigate them," Hawkins said. Most top university officials were surprised when told the FBI had spied on their campuses.

"This is news to me," said Wilbur Layton, vice president for student affairs at ISU from 1967 to 1976. "The federal government was awfully insecure and uneasy at that time." "It's a matter of surprise," said J. William Maucker, president of the University of Northern Iowa from 1950 to 1970. "From where I stood, 1 didn't see anything threatening to the nation. And I'd be surprised if the FBI did either." Hostile to U.S.

But the FBI had good reasons for its investigations, Hawkins said. "There is no doubt that there were certain foreign governments hostile to the U.S. that tried to inject themselves into the affairs of certain domestic groups," he said. The FBI's search for subversives, communists and other threats to the nation began on Iowa campuses in the late 1950s and the early 1960s. But it was an unsuccessful search, judging from the documents.

One FBI investigation of an Ames group that favored abolishing the House Un-American Activities Committee turned up "no persons at) Iowa State University believed to i One page from the FBI file has everything but the names of two Iowa universities marked out from the original copy. The Register, seeking to learn more about FBI activities on Iowa campuses, received more than 700 pages of documents. Much of the material was censored. Evans' foe calls him 'clone three' ant tkafitiil tha iota nr tha at inn or the university." The FBI was watching at Iowa State in 1974 when a group of about 50 black students temporarily took over a conference room after a brief scuffle and demanded various reforms. Police were not called in during the incident, which was described by ISU President W.

Robert Parks at the time as "entirely peaceful." But the FBI interpreted things differently. Eleven days after the incident, Kelley sent a memo to the Secret Service stating that the blacks involved in the incident were "potentially dangerous." The FBI's Hawkins in Omaha, who had just joined the bureau when it began to investigate blacks on Iowa campuses in 1970, said: "I don't feel the investigations had to do specifically with blacks. It was part of the FBI's domestic surveillance program to determine if there was any foreign involvement with any of the domestic unrest." Subversive Women The same interest prompted the FBI's attention to the women's liberation movement, according to agency documents stating: "It is absolutely essential that we conduct sufficient investigation to clearly establish subversive ramifications of the Women's Liberation Movement." In 1969, the FBI was watching when women at the University of Iowa demonstrated for better access to contraceptives from the school's student health department. In a report to Hoover, marked "urgent," an agent summarized the situation: "Student health department position and refusal of some college doctors to grant referrals to obtain contraceptives have caused some female students to lie and act shamefaced to get contraceptives according to group spokesmen. "Student female spokesmen alleged inhumanity in causing unwanted pregnancies and using certain policies as punishment to those girls seeking sexual fulfillment outside the sacred bonds of marriage." SAVE 20 ON GLAZED CERAMIC TILE! Your floors, walls and counters will gleam with our glazed ceramic tile.

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Though the FBI abolished the Security Index in 1971, Jones is still suspicious of it and other FBI information. "They keep these lists of people because of political things it's not just abstract curiosity," he said. The FBI was not interested just in left-wing student groups. It also was watching when ISU officials scheduled key civil rights leaders to SAVE19ONSOUDOAK PARQUET TUG Enjoy the rich beauty of natural wood. Our genuine oak is pre-finished ready to install.

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Reg. 19 Sale 13, PHOTO MURALS-SAVE 43! Vtvld, room-ate "Windows to Natural' Reg.34 Sale KM I UofI who attended the same SDS meeting Sayre did. "And it seems to me that when legal, public activities are attacked by the government, then we're in serious shape." One of the students active in SDS at the University of Iowa, Judson Hal Jones now an unemployed welder in Cedar Rapids said simply: "I don't think this is something they should have been doing. I didn't do anything illegal." The FBI used its information to place some Iowa students on its "Security Index" a catalog of people it thought dangerous enough to balance" the two problems, and says his votes reflect that need. His 1980 election opponent, Democrat Lynn doesn't see Evans' voting record the same way.

"The problem in this country is that people are leading with their ear to the ground," says Cutler. "It's pretty hard to look up to someone in that position." Cutler, who is challenging Evans again this year, calls Evans' current stance "clone three of Cooper Evans. The first was the relatively moderate state legislator. The second was the conservative congressional candidate. Now he's in his third phase.

"I think people are entitled to know what they're getting when they elect someone," says Cutler. "Not that you can't grow in office, but you can't just put on your shoes and tap dance away every time you face a new problem." Evans' fellow Iowa Republicans, however, think such comments are unfair. "Bum Rap" "I think Cooper's been given a bum rap," says Republican Representative Jim Leach, a moderate who represents the First District "Cooper is the opposite of an ideologue. In the Iowa Legislature he was the classic productive legislator, He's very pragmatic." Leach, a moderate who has managed to carry Johnson County in recent elections, believes Evans may fare better there than is generally believed. "His image doesn't fit the county, but Cooper doesn't fit his image.

After all, he's a scientist an intellectual and a thoughtful man. Representative Tom Tauke says he has always believed Evans was a fellow moderate. "The perception developed during the 1980 campaign that he was a very. conservative Republican, in the mold of H.R. Gross," says Tauke.

"Jim West (Evans' opponent in the primary) painted himself as the true conservative and the true follower of Gross and Grassley. Cooper was trying to cut into that image. "In the eeneral election. Lvnn Cutler wanted to paint him into the 1 far right as far as possible. I think I he's a much more moderate and pragmatic individual than that would have suggested." Happy birthday, emprtss TOKYO, JAPAN (AP) Japan's Empress Nagako painter, poet and musician celebrated her 79th birthday Saturday.

STEEL TOE OXFORD, JOGGER, COWBOY, LACE BOOT STYLES From $24.93 to $59.99 Mm $t2MQ 301tSW9th Continued from Page One redrawing congressional district lines. Evans' Third District lost such solidly conservative counties as Hancock, Wright and Hamilton while gaining over Evans' vigorous objection Johnson County, the heart and home of Iowa liberalism. From a largely rural district with an aging population, Evans, 57, suddenly faced the prospect of running in a district with eight college campuses, including two major state universities. Evans briefly muttered that he might just change his residence to northwest Iowa and run against Democrat Berkley Bedell, but the idea was quickly dropped. A New Man Instead of going to a new district, he became a new man: Evans became an active opponent of faster deregulation of natural gas and of making consumers pay in advance the cost of a natural gas pipeline from Alaska.

When the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission considered lifting some gas price controls, Evans called it the "whims of unelected bureaucrats" and issued a strong statement denouncing the FERC. When the House debated the Alaska gas pipeline bill a measure supported by both of Iowa's conservative Republican senators, not to mention Reagan Evans voted no, and then joined a group of eight congressmen in announcing a lawsuit to challenge the plan. All seven other congressmen were liberal Democrats. After supporting the Reagan administration on all military spending through the first half of 1981, Evans turned into a vocal critic of the administration on such matters. He supported the MX missile in a series of votes on July 9, but on Nov.

18 he supported an amendment proposed by New York Democrat Joe Addabbo to delete $1.9 billion from MX financing. In February, when Reagan released his 1983 budget calling for $43.7 billion in new military spending, Evans was one of the few members of Congress to propose that military spending be frozen in place. Evans, who had gained a reputation as the Iowa representative most loyal to Reagan, became a maverick in several areas. He voted against the sale of AW ACS planes to Saudi Arabia. He became strongly critical of the administration's actions in El Salvador.

He voted to give the president standby authority to control oil prices, against the president's wishes. He voted against a series of 'Republican-sponsored amendments to weaken the Voting Rights Act. He was one of only 31 House Republicans who supported a resolution saying that a rugby team from segregationist South Africa shouldn't be allowed to play In the United States. After concerning himself mostly with matters before the Agriculture Committee Evans' only major committee assignment he became active in areas far from the field. Ctaf among those was education.

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"You bet I am. I'd be remiss if I didn't." Evans is actively opposing the Reagan administration's efforts to cut financing for education and student loans. But he has become active on other fronts as well. He has sponsored legislation to remove the tax deduction for interest on money borrowed to finance corporate mergers. He has testified on the need for public assistance to help low-income persons weatherize their homes.

Conservative Rating One measure of Evans' progress through 1981 is the "conservative coalition" rating compiled annually by the non-partisan Congressional Quarterly magazine. In 1981, Congressional Quarterly used 74 votes to test the strength of the coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats versus Northern Democrats. Evans supported the conservative coalition with 79 percent of his votes the highest score in the Iowa House delegation. Evans' support had been a good deal more consistent during the first half of 1981, when Johnson County was miles away from the Third District. Evans supported the conservative coalition on 34 of the first 36 votes, through July 24, the date the final reapportionment map was released.

On the next 38 votes, through the remainder of 1981, Evans voted "wrong" on conservative issues 10 times, and failed to vote once. Evans ended up supporting the president on 62 percent of his votes, according to Congressional Quarterly, slightly less than the average House Republican score of 68 percent Responsive For the most part, Evans says, his votes have simply been a response to the nation's problems as he sees them. "We have two potentially fatal problems In this country defense and the economy and with improper management we could die of either disease." He cites a "need to keep in 550 TILE, PAINT WALLPAPER SUPERMARTS NATIONWIDE 1130 5.E, Army Post Rd. Open Mon. thru.

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