The Des Moines Register from Des Moines, Iowa • Page 1

Iowa economy the perfect model of a recession FtraCstism THE JOYS OF Man, woman found slain in separate cases here Iho Leisure Home Family Iowa Nss SECTION A THE WEATHER Variable cloudiness through Monday with a chance of snow tonight. Highs in 20s, low tonight 10 to 15. Sunrise sunset 6:12. Details: Page 6B. CepvrteM mt On Molnw Reetater and Tribune Company (USM 154-70) THE NEWSPAPER IOWA DEPENDS UPON Des Moines, $1.00 single copy from dealer or vendor Iowa March 7, 1982 by motor route; by carrier El Salvador scene much like Vietnam with differences 'tj a 'You can spot new arrivals from the North a mile away, Candidate Cooper Evans isn't the same old Evans FBI papers detail college spying in Iowa Civil rights, anti-war, women's groups probed By TOM KNUDSON Reenter Stan Writer Covvrteht.

1VS3. Del Motnoi Reenter and Tribune Campeov The FBI has spied extensively at Iowa colleges, searching for sub versive influences among students, professors and organizations ranging from civil rights and anti-war groups to the women's liberation movement. The presence of the Federal Bureau of Investigation on Iowa campuses was recorded in more than 700 pages of heavily censored documents released in response to a request filed by The Register under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. The documents dating from 1957 to 1979 show that: Black students have been frequent targets of FBI investigations.

One 1970 FBI memo said all groups "organized to project the demands of black students are to be subjects of discreet preliminary inquiries. These inquiries are to be carefully conducted to avoid criticism." The women's rights movement also caught the FBI's eye. In 1969, an agent reported to then-FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover that women attending the University of Iowa had protested for better access to contraceptives. The agent described the students as "girls seeking sexual fulfillment outside the sacred bonds of marriage." The FBI often used informants within universities to aid its surveillance work.

The FBI inquiries focused on Iowa's three state universities, but also extended to Drake University, the University of Dubuque, and Luther, Parsons, Iowa Wesleyan, Coe, Simpson, Grinnell, Central, William Penn, Grand View and Wartburg colleges. In 1974, then-FBI Director Clarence Kelley told the Secret Service that a group of black students who briefly had taken over a conference room at Iowa State University was "potentially dangerous because of background, emotional instability or activity in groups inimical to the U.S." Some Iowa students were subjects of the FBI's COINTELPRO a counterintelligence program the agency used to disrupt, expose and discredit groups it thought dangerous to the nation. The Students for a Democratic Society, a left-wing student group, was a frequent target of FBI investigations. One 1967 document censored to keep secret the FBI's methods of investigating the SDS at the University of Iowa reads: "Bureau authority is requested to passage censored) regarding this SPYING Please turn to Page 4A By james McCartney KiUeM-RkMer Newiaapen WASHINGTON, D.C. It all seems so hauntingly familiar.

Television screens display flickering images of search-and-destroy missions in far-off tropical villages. An American general talks of a need for more military aid. The president and the secretary of state say there "are no plans" to dispatch U.S. combat troops. The subject is not Vietnam, the national agony of a decade ago.

It is El Salvador, a tiny country in Central America. "It's like a time warp," mused Senator Paul Tsongas "It feels like we're reliving Vietnam all over again." The similarities and the Jarred memories have raised anxious questions in Congress and across the nation: Are we getting into another Vietnam in El Salvador? The question has attracted more rhetoric than objective analysis. But people have begun to think about it and tentative conclusions are being drawn. Examination of the historical record, and interviews with key figures of the Vietnam era as well as those making El Salvador policy today, reveal some major similarities between the two situations and some major differences. 1.

Similarity: The United States is on a policy course in EI Salvador very similar to the course that ultimately led to massive military intervention in Vietnam. Intervention in El Salvador, while not certain, clearly is a possibility. 2. Difference: El Salvador is much smaller than Vietnam, much nearer to the United States and presents a much simpler military problem. If the United States does intervene, it is very unlikely to be on the scale of Vietnam, where 2,594,000 Americans ultimately served.

It is more likely to be comparable to the 1965 U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic, where 30,200 Americans served. 3. Similarity: The Reagan administration approaches El Salvador with an anti-communist mind-set very much like the attitude that underlay Vietnam policy. This is the conviction that International communism, ultimately guided by Moscow, is to blame for the turmoil in El Salvador and must be stopped.

4. Difference: The American involvement in El Salvador so far is extremely slight compared even to early involvement in Vietnam. Thus the United States is not yet engaged so deeply that it cannot extricate itself. 5. Similarity: The Reagan administration believes that vital U.S.

strategic interests are at stake in El Salvador, just as previous administrations believed vital U.S. interests were at stake in Vietnam. In fact, this administration believes El Salvador is even more important than Vietnam, and thus more worthy of a fight. 6. Difference: The most significant difference may be that Vietnam did occur, and therefore Congress and the public are aware of the dangers.

There is evidence they already are applying the brakes on administration policy in El Salvador. What these points add up to is this: We are a long way from another Vietnam in El Salvador at this point, but we are on the road It is still not too late to turn off should the nation decide to do so. Following is a more detailed discussion of the points of similarity and difference in the two situations. Point one: Similar policy coarse. The Reagan administration has made a policy commitment to El Salvador that appears even stronger than the original commitment to South Vietnam in the 1950s.

Secretary of State Alexander Haig made what appears to be an open-ended commitment by telling Congress on Feb. 2 that the United States will do "whatever is necessary" to prevent the overthrow of the Salvadoran government by guerrillas. President Reagan on Feb. 24. said the United States will do "whatever is prudent and necessary to ensure the peace and security of the Caribbean area." These words constitute a stronger public commitment than the United States made to Vietnam until the Gulf of Tonkin resolution was adopted by Congress at the urging of President Johnson in August 1964.

That resolution said the United States was "prepared to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force" to assist other countries in the Vietnam area. As early as 1952, a National Security Council paper declared that "communist domination, by whatever means, of all Southeast Asia, would seriously endanger United States security interests." The same theme was repeated many times in later official documents. Haig is operating from the same premise in Central America. "We will not remain passive in the face of this communist challenge, a systematic, well- COMPARISON Please turn to Page 2A Energy bills shocI Iowa institutions Record costs for schools, churches, hospitals By KEN FUSON The jugglers who must balance budgets at Iowa's hospitals, schools, churches and local governments are receiving their winter energy bills with the gasps and eye-popping astonishment normally reserved for plugging a finger into a wall socket. Examples abound.

In Des Moines, the cost of heating City Hall in January was $2,777, a 103 percent increase over the same month last year. In Ogden, school officials are wrestling with a January heating bill that eclipsed $12,000 more than the bills for the previous two Januarys combined. In Muscatine, energy costs at Muscatine General Hospital are expected to climb 30 percent over last year. During the first seven months of its budget year, the hospital spent 150,000 for gas. That's $10,000 more than the cost last year and doesn't include another $10,000 bill for fuel oil.

In Sioux City, St. Paul's Lutheran Church spent about $1,300 to heat the church in January. The average cost per month is $700. Iowans still reeling from the expensive assault on their own bills from this winter's utility rate increases and cold weather may find it difficult to sympathize. Except for one simple fact: Directly or indirectly, they are picking up the tab.

They'll pay more for their children's college tuition. At Drake University in Des Moines, school officials attributed a tuition increase of nearly 14 percent for the 1982-83 academic year to energy costs that have risen 18 to 25 percent They'll pay more for hospital care. At Mercy Hospital Medical Center in Des Moines, gas and electric costs have jumped from $149,156 in December of 1980 and January of 1981 to this year's cost for the two months of $256,870. "Like everything else in a hospital," said Dick Hatfield, director of public relations at Mercy, "it's part of the operating costs that have to be charged to patients It is difficult to hold down our charges when the costs to us keep going up." They'll pay more In taxes or receive fewer services from their local governments, from the pothole that goes unfilled to the snow that remains unsboveled. In Iowa City, energy bills represent 10 percent of the city's general fund budget The figure stood at 7 percent only three years ago.

"The more you spend on energy," said Roger Tinklenberg, energy program coordinator for Iowa CJty, "the less that's available for goods and services. And, of course, that's what city governments are all about" They'll pay by sending their to public schools where i building repairs are delayed or much-needed equipment isn't bought. Heating and lighting Iowa's 441 'public school districts during the 1980-81 school year cost more than $40 million an amount that's almost certain to Increase sharply this academic year. Higher energy bills, said Leonard Gustafson, supervisor of school facilities for the Iowa Department of Public Instruction, "just takes away HEAT Please turn to Page 6 A I3ISISE YCS3I REGISTER 15TV Book Rtvttwi 4C Brldot 3H Capital Rtojtttr ClasslfM 12F.1G Country LMng Crouword 2H Food IE Garden 8H Investor's Mtnto 6F John Karrat 8H Am Landtrt 2C MarkHs 10F Moviet SH Nation SA Obituaries 76 Sports 90 Stamps 2H Larry 100 TV kM 5TV Wtathtr 68 wtddlngi 7E weak In 6C SA who introduced legislation to overturn President Reagan's executive order reversing that IRS rule. "I don't want the federal government in the business of subsidizing segregation, and that is just what we do by granting a tax exemption to these schools," he said.

Almost Forgotten Almost forgotten are the days when Evans was a down-the-line supporter of Reagan's budget-cutting proposals. Nowadays, when the president proposes further cuts in, say, student aid, he is likely to get a letter from Evans saying education already "has taken a disproportionate share of the cuts and further cuts at this time in this area are almost impossible to justify." Cooper Evans just isn't the same old Cooper Evans. "Hey, look, I'm not some elitist endowed with infinite wisdom," says Evans. "When people talk to me, I respond. As they change, I'm going to change.

"Consistency never has been one of the virtues I've put at the top of the list." There is more to Evans' actions than a fondness for inconsistency, however. There is the matter of reapportionment Last August, state lawmakers performed the decennial rite of EVANS Please turn to Page 4A By JOHN HYDE and LARRY FRUHLING 01 The RttMw'i WaiMnatM Bureau WASHINGTON, D.C. He still keeps a box of chewing tobacco on bis desk and a shiny brass spittoon alongside. But when Cooper Evans announces Monday that he will seek re-election to the U.S. House of Representatives from Iowa's Third District he won't be quite the same quiet, wealthy, Grundy Center farmer who won the 1980 election.

Then, Evans liked to tell Republicans be was the candidate most in the tradition of H.R. Gross and Charles Grassley, the archconservatives who represented north-central Iowa for decades. Now, Evans is more fond of recalling that he was one of George Bush's most enthusiastic supporters, when Bush was the GOP moderates' candidate for president Gone is the Evans who said that "defense spending must be increased," a matter easily accomplished by normal increases In tax revenues. Arrived is the Evans who says, "We've got to do something about defense spending. Ym convinced that you cannot put the resources into defense that we thought we could a year ago.

It just isn't there." Out is the Evans who voted on July 30, 1981, to reverse an Internal Revenue Service rule denying tax-exempt status to private schools that discriminate against racial minorities. In is the Evans of Feb. 23, 1982, How U.S. By ROBERT A. BARR BaMddii mM nMVMinaArB PliBTaTfflVVJ Wlitl (RWTVRaaRaoi Irani UeSu Mows A WifM Report WASHINGTON, D.C.

Despite President Reagan's drive to slice fat out of the federal budget one lavish and secretive spending program has been growing like the cost of caviar. Item: A $35 bouquet of roses for the wife of Vice Admiral Mohamed All of Egypt plus a night on the town In Manhattan, courtesy of the U.S. taxpayer. Item: $14.49 for "bottle placed In (Washington, D.C, hotel room" of Lt Gen. Leopoldo Fort una to Galtierl of Argentina; $512 for a Galtieri dinner at Chasen's In Los Angeles with wife, three aides and U.S.

escort; $1,867 for their stay at New York's Waldorf-Astoria. Item: $34,461 In expenses for the 12-day visit of Maj. Gen. Brian Poananga of New Zealand and his party. Including stops at Pebble REGISTER MAP BY STEVE PEG LOW 0 50 100 pampers foreign brass HONDURAS i TeiuelgalpaO UJH I I A teiiVloente Cludw! 't GUATEMALA Guatemala CKy BuenVit 4 lomenate Nueva Sari Acsjuti Salvador UUwrtad South Vietnam II Salvador 's 4,825,000 41,500,000 South Vlttnam El Salvador p.m.

ii II. 67,108 8,260 Both Sldw at Nafc th Sidw Today luatemalaCKy r-v EL ami S-aW 8,260 tICuco Beach (Calif.) Golf Club and the Top of the Mark, restaurant in San Francisco. Item: $1, soap powder for Maj. Gen. David Ivry of Israel; $236, lunch for his wife and seven friends at Le Lion D'Or in Washington.

These are typical entries In Pentagon expense ledgers for 1981, charting progress during the first year of the Reagan administration of a program that treats foreign military brass to the best of everything at taxpayer expense. The objective of the Pentagon's expanding Distinguished Visitor Program: sowing good will as VIPs tour U.S. bases, impressing them with hospitality and softening them up for sales pitches on American-made weaponry. Back In 1977, when U.S. News It World Report first looked Into the program, the Carter administration was spending about $200,000 a year on these personalized red-carpet efforts.

By the 1981 fiscal year that ended Sept 30 covering the last few months of the Carter presidency and eight full months of Reagan's outlays had quadrupled to $827,617 worth of food, drink, lodging, entertainment and transportation for 43 major VIP tours. Additional spending on 14 smaller-scale visits brought the year's total to $877,221. Not counted In that sum are the time and salaries of U.S. escort officers who see to every need of the VIPs from executive-Jet transportation to booking nightclub tables and leaving tips. Many Americans might question the propriety of Uncle Sam dramatically increasing the care and feeding JUNKETS Please turn to Page SA I Culfof Fonseca NICARAGUA Chkwntftf Pacific Ocean.