The Sydney Morning Herald from Sydney, New South Wales, Australia • Page 7

I Th Svdntf Horning ttwiw Tw AyH 8 1 oment. off FILMS concerts Pitching truth in a new key LENORE NICKLIN for Fraser hotel room.) His PhD is in history. However, he is married to a musician. His wife is the pianist Diana Weekes, who is one of the artists who will be performing in ACD's 1975 subscription series. Others include the opera singers Elizabeth Connell and John Pringle, Ken Smith, trumpeter, Rotraud Schneider, violinist, and Ann Murphy, harpsichordist.

Stephen Mclntyrc is already known to Sydney audiences as a result of an Australian tour in 1971 as an ABC celebrity artist. He is one of our young expatriate pianists who has come home. He returned to Australia at the beginning of last year after 12 years in Europe, and is now lecturer in piano at the Victorian College of the Arts. However, last September he slipped back to Europe to give a series of concerts in London and Rome. "It's a necessity for Australian musicians to go to Europe once a year," he said.

"If you have just got off the ship or the plane then obviously you must bo a lot better tha'i anyone else here. "In Australia the position of the Australian musician is an inferior one with the exception of some operatic people, he is considered far less important than a European musician." Mclntyrc is an old-looking 32, bald, dour and frequently described as a pianist for piano-players. He was not pleased last week when one of Australia's leading reviewers described him as "an intellectual pianist." He strode on to the platform at his next recital muttering under his breath: "I'll give you intellectual pianist!" The Mclntyre qualities that the music critics most often shout about are his "formidable technique," his "acute sensitivity," his "consummate understanding of he also has a devoted Stephen Mclntyre following among the dental, veterinary science and engineering students at Melbourne University's Ormond College, where he is musician-in-residence. 'To my knowledge it's the first such appointment of its kind," he said yesterday. "My job as musician-in-resi-dence is to interest the non-music students to try to convince them that music is worth listening to." 1 STEPHEN McINTYRE won't be crossing his fingers tonight He'll be too busy playing a program of Beethoven, Brahms, Ravel and Prokofiev at the Opera House.

Dr Christopher Steward-son will be crossing his fingers; he is the young Melbourne academic who is the force behind Australia's newest concert organisation, Australian Concert Direction. ACD aims to provide a regular national platform for Australia's best -musicians. Tonight's recital is the group's first venture in Sydney, and Dr Stewardson has been living on his nerves and his capital for a year now. The bookings for tonight's recital have not been very encouraging, but everyone is being brave and optimistic about door sales. For Mclntyre's recital in Melbourne last week there was such a crush at the box office that many people in the audience bad to miss the first item.

Oh, for another crush. Dr Stewardson explained in Sydney yesterday that he was not really highly qualified for the job of concert promotion. (Would I like a glass of lemonade? he asked at a very un-Harry M. Miller launching in a borrowed By PETER BOWERS, Political Correspondent "SO FAR AS adult refugees are concerned we should be prepared if necessary to take some thousands. I would not want to indicate a limit on the number of children Mr Malcolm Fraser is prepared if necessary to take some risks.

Vietnam orphans are one thing, but he is not going to win many votes by berating the Government for not air-lifting into Australia thousands of adult Asian refugees. For someone supposed to be as Right as Menzies, Mr Fraser espouses some curiously trendy causes. A fair go for Medibank, a fair go for disadvantaged groups, and now a fair go for Asian refugees. How much fairer can Mr Fraser go? The headlong flight of South Vietnamese forces could not have happened at a better time for Mr Fraser, who gets his parliamentary blooding as Opposition Leader this week. It has taken a dying Vietnam to thrust foreign policy and defence back into the forefront of Australian politics.

It offers Mr Fraser opportunity and challenge. To keep foreign policy and defence alive and kicking after South Vietnam and Cambodia go under to communist rule, will be the first big test of the Fraser strategy to sharpen and redefine the distinctions and choices in Australian politics. South Vietnam may be a lost cause but it has lost none of its magnetic appeal to Australian politicians, who instinctively polarised into the old positions they defended 10 years ago 15 years ago, 20 years ago. Dr Cairns was as predictable as Mr Fraser, Asian refugees excepted. The domino theory was dusted off and stood up.

All that was missing was "the downward thrust of commun-" ism," that brilliant Menzies catch-cry which in five words invested the twin Australian fears of communism and yellow hordes with gravitational inevitability. Communism, it has to be said, has thrust further south since Sir Robert retired in 1966, even if the dominoes are still standing. When Mr Lee Kuan Yew passed gjlMll mm gMFnw Transferable Deposits with the Resources Bank offer safe and attractive Investment opportunities for both Individual and Institutional Investors, The Resources Bank Is owned by Australia's seven major trading banks. It Is also supported by the Reserve Bank of Australia and the State trading banks of New South Wales and Western Australia. Funds provided by the Bank are actively helping wholly or partly Australian owned projects, in many parts of Australia, to extract, process and market a wide variety of natural resources.

The operations of the Bank are making a substantial contribution to national and regional prosperity. Transferable Deposits are accepted In multiples of $100 with a minimum deposit of $100. Subscriptions to this Issue are payable In full on application or by a deposit Of 10, with the balance payable at the Australian Resources Development Bank, Melbourne, on or before 2nd May, 1975. Subscriptions accepted attract interest from date of lodgment Interest to paid on the last days of September and March each year. An authorised trustee security In New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, Tasmania, Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory.

Applications for Transferable Deposits will be accepted only on the printed form available from the following, with whom applications may also be lodged: any branch of the following banks. Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Limited The Bank of Adelaide Bank of New South Wales The Commercial Bank of Australia Limited The Commercial Banking Company of Sydney Limited Commonwealth Trading Bankof Australia The National Bank of Australasia Limited Rural Bank of New South Wales The Rural and Industries Bank of Western Australia Member firms of recognised Stock Exchanges in Australia Knives, bullets and blood By HELEN FRIZELL THE Godfather Part II (M, Paramount, starting Friday) is, like its predecessor, The Godfather, a film about a Sicilian family, power, crime, and murderous Mafia-like loyalties. Stunningly photographed in colours that could come from a canvas of da Vinci, The Godfather Part II was produced and directed by Francis Ford Coppola, who wrote the screenplay in collaboration with Mario Puzo, author of The Godfather. In writing this review, I confess that I am handicapped. I have not read the book, and did not see the first film.

Thousands who saw The. Godfather will get more from the follow-up than I did. All the same, it is possible to follow Part II, for events and characters are made clear enough. Though overlong, the film is absorbing as it switches from country to country and goes back and forth in time to trace the story of the Bal-dini (Corleone) family through three generations. It begins in Sicily at the turn of the century.

In a dusty valley a coffin is being carried to the grave. The Mafia has killed a man. lee Stratberg at tfit gang-leader Hyman Roth. His widow and eight-year-old son walk in the mourning procession. Shots sound from the hills.

The Mafia attacks again. The widow and small boy run. And now, at this death scene, there is more death for another son of the widow is gunned down. The vendetta continues. The eight-year-old boy, smuggled from Sicily to the United States, grows up, vowed to revenge.

He becomes the Godfather. His children and their children are involved, never-endingly. The Godfather Part II is grisly, full of knives, full of bullets, overflowing blood. People die very nastily and without mercy. Al Pacino, as Michael, acts magnificently as the ruling Godfather who has succeeded the first Godfather in this dynasty of death.

He is handsome, educated, smooth and ruthless and is matched in this ruthlessness by an opposing gang leader, Hyman Roth (Lee Strasberg), whose performance is brilliant. As the film moves from 1958 to 1900 to 1917 and to 1958 again, it is semi-documentary or "faction" a mixture of fiction and fact. Scenes of Italian migration to New York and scenes in that city's Little Italy are so well done that they have a period and ethnic interest. Al Paclmo at Michael, the new Godfather. Often, the dialogue is in Sicilian or Italian, and English sub-titles arc given.

The film moves to Cuba (the Dominican Republic lending itself for the purpose). Here, the gangsters are carving up the island as their own territory, when Castro comes, and history overthrows their plans. The Godfather Part II is quite fascinating in its study of a migrant community and especially of power within that community. A mixture of horror, piety and wit, it is compulsive viewing (even if you feel like closing your eyes in some scenes). 'The film is like a serial story.

We have only seen chapter two. If I bet on anything, I would bet that Godfather Part Two would be followed by a Godfather Part Three, or more. Keep counting. '13 The experiment bad been remarkably successful. He had started off giving concerts at the college to an audience of five.

Now he regularly gets 140. Mclntyre won the ABC Concerto Competition in 1961, and in Europe studied with Michelangeli, Agosti and Nadia Boulanger. He has performed throughout Europe and will return for two-and-a-half months at the end of this year to play in England, France and Italy. The importance of Australian Concert Direction, he says, is that it gives local musicians a chance to tour interstate. Previously a European-style tour involving, say, ten concerts was just not available.

And it was almost impossible for a Melbourne pianist to give a recital in Sydney unless he was reckless enough to try to organise the event himself, As a visiting celebrity artist for the ABC, he had given 18 concerts throughout Australia in three months. As a resident Melbourne pianist, the ABC had arranged three concerts for him all in Melbourne. Australian Concert Direction is already being hailed as one of the most important new ideas in Australian music for many years. It's to be hoped the word gets around before the box office closes tonight. PATEN YEARS RB2374 If the censure is directed at Mr Whitlam it will be a bold step for the fledgling leader.

It will put Mr Fraser on a collision course with Mr Whitlam. For all his ability and leadership potential, Mr Fraser is the untried challenger and Mr Whitlam the champ. The Whitlam presence dominates Parliament with a lofty authority reminiscent of Menzies. Mr Fraser does not have to do brilliantly, or even well, against Mr Whitlam in his first week. It is imperative for his party's battered morale that he does not do badly.

Mr Fraser's supporters are not going to judge his early performances against Mr Whitlam's. The comparison will be with his predecessor, Mr Sneddcn. If Mr Fraser is seen by his party to perform better in his first week than Mr Snedden did in his last week, they will be satisfied they were right to change the leadership. Mr Fraser has made no secret that he regards his parliamentary performance as critical. Privately, he blames Mr Snedden's poor performance for the Opposition's abject failure to capitalise on the high hopes earlier year of forcing the Government to an early election.

Mr Fraser has said the loyalty he will get will depend directly on his parliamentary performance. All the more reason why he should be sparring with Mr Whitlam this week, not trying to knock his head off. An Opposition MP, who has a theory about inherited political genes, likes to trace the lineage of parliamentarians who interest him. He believes Mr Whitlam's maternal forebears were German and it is Teutonic genes which give Mr Whillam his great fighting quality and not inconsiderable vanity. As for Mr Fraser, Scottish blood stirs him to take nothing less than a claymore to an opponent.

At his first press conference as Opposition Leader Mr Fraser was asked how he would go against Mr Whitlam. "Well," he said with relish, "it will be fun finding out, won't it?" The fun starts at 2.15 today when part-Teuton and part-Scot face each other across the table of the House. Moscow wings, exhausted by war, and faced with a literally enormous task of internal reconstruction of both Vietnams, let alone that of political control, really manage to govern all Indo-China? Isn't it more than likely that Hanoi will find the Khmer Rouge and Pathet Lao are less the willing communist proxies of Hanoi than intent in taking control of Cambodia for Cambodians and Laos for Laotians? It is a moot point, in fact, whether the PRG will even support re-unification of Vietnam. Hanoi will take a keen interest in its neighbours, especially Thailand, but this may prove more strategic in purpose than ideological. Thailand's sensitive northeast provinces will be subject, as for years past, to.

alternating pressures aimed at producing acceptable political attitudes. For example, the American military presence will have to go. It is already under notice, anyway. But this is all part of the rapidly changing scene as Jakarta, Manila, Singapore and Bangkok all follow Malaysia's example in seeking accommodation with Peking. While timing remains a matter of careful judgment for each, the trend is sharp and clear.

And why not? Apart from anything else rapprochement with Peking offers the best available reassurance against any temptations Hanoi may feel towards adventurism. There are no signs that Peking favours an expansionist Hanoi. For all countries in the area, especially in the sub-region, problems must follow the present situation in Indo-China. By the same token there will be no shortage of the same problems for Hanoi. Hanoi has a few problems, too Mr frner: "It will be tun fading out, won't it?" through Sydney last week he took the opportunity to dismiss the domino theory as an American invention.

At the same time Mr Lee took a hefty swipe at Dr Cairns for wishing a speedy end to the Thieu regime. Mr Soeharto, apparently, did not dismiss the domino theory in his tete-a-tete with Mr Whitlam in Townsvillc last week. Mr Soeharto is reported to have expressed concern about the exposed position of Thailand and the Malaysian mainland once Cambodia and all Vietnam were communist controlled. Exactly how Mr Fraser intends to give new thrust to old fears this week is being kept secret. Part of his parliamentary strategy is to keep the Government guessing as to Opposition tactics.

"I want to catch Mr Whitlam with his pants down," says Mr Fraser, adding that this was more likely if he did not "telegraph his punches." Mr Fraser seems to be mixing his sports if not his metaphors. Having condemned one plane-load of orphans as a "shameful, pathetic and inadequate" effort it would not be surprising if Mr Fraser moved to censure the Government. A novel twist could be a censure of Mr Whitlam, rather than the Government. At his Sunday press conference (doesn't the man ever take a day off?) Mr Fraser held the Prime Minister personally responsible for the allegedly paltry effort because, he said, Mr Whitlam had taken personal control of Australian relief for Vietnam. be satisfied by allowing in several hundred Vietnamese babies.

Canberra will have to recognise that Washington intends honouring residual obligations in Saigon. The Government will also have to show a new maturity of purpose and conviction in dealing with its neighbours and friends in the region. This means continual support for aid, especially defence aid, for Indonesia, recognition of Indonesia's central role in ASEAN affairs, and support where possible for strengthening ASEAN links. While one sees problems ahead in this sort of scenario, does any of it spell out the strategic threat to Australia that Mr Fraser has suddenly and conveniently rediscovered after a relatively long period of Liberal Party silence on defence issues? The general proposition' emerging from the Right seems to be that Hanoi, possessing South-East Asia's largest army, having all but' finally subjugated a ravished Indo-China. is about ready to embark on a campaign of subversion against vulnerable South-East Asian States which can only prelude a strategic threat to Australia.

Is this really how it will all work out? Can Hanoi, its communist Government split between pro-Peking and pro- PETER HASTINGS or the Australian Resources Development Bank Limited 379 Collins Street, Melbourne, Victoria 3000. Box 7, Collins Street Post Office, Melbourne, Victoria 300) Phone: 626243. Telex: 32078 Telegramejmd Cables Melbourne. Hi APART FROM entirely predictable comment on the South Vietnam debacle by Dr Cairns and Mr Uren that curiously old-fashioned, compulsively-fixated duo to which Mr Lee Kuan Vew gave adequate answer, the Government, as a whole, has done better by its silence than Messrs Fraser and Killen in their somewhat hysterical call to arms. The Government, of course, has some cause to be silent.

There is not only its past record in opposition, but this week the Prime Minister has to make a major foreign policy speech in which Indochina clearly will be the major topic. Mr Whitlam will have to balance several competing interests in the way of reaching an objective view. One is the political capital the Opposition will seek to make; another is the inevitably unhelpful attitudes of his own party left wing. A third is the strong attitudes of President Soeharto and Mr Lee Kuan Yew, who are scarcely ecstatic about events in Indo-China. Even so, how, and to what extent, does a communist victory in Indo-China assuming that even a reconstituted South Vietnamese Government cannot hold on to Saigon comprise a strategic threat in the traditional sense of that word to Australia, as -Mr Fraser now seems to insist in language quite as old-fashioned in its way as that of Dr Cairns? The imminent collapse of Indo-China certainly poses the Australian Government with very real political and moral problems.

The Government might find itself, for example, faced with several thousand qualified would-be Vietnamese migrants whose claims won't P.A. FIVE YEARS A.