Carrol Daily Times Herald from Carroll, Iowa on April 8, 1976 · Page 3
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Carrol Daily Times Herald from Carroll, Iowa · Page 3

Carroll, Iowa
Issue Date:
Thursday, April 8, 1976
Page 3
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Carroll Daily Times Herald Comment & Feature Page Thursday, April 8,1976 Voters Disagree Sen. Hubert Humphrey, who sounds more like a presidential candidate every day, let fly recently with some stinging criticism of the present crop of candidates — including not only President Ford and his chief rival, Ronald Reagan, but those fellow Democrats who are trying to "out-Republican the Republicans" by running against big government. "The issue," he told an enthusiastic audience at the annual convention of Virginia Young Democrats in Arlington, "is not government big or small. It is government that works.'' If Democrats are going to ask to govern the country, he said, they had better begin believing in the government they seek to occupy. As for the Republicans, "They didn't cross the Potomac just last week. In the past 24 years, the Republicans have been in 16. They've been in eight consecutive years since 1969. Now, if there was a mess when they came in. they've had eight years to clean it up. If the government was too big when they came in, they've had eight years to make it smaller. If there are too many rules and regulations, they've had eight years to clear them out." This is effective campaign rhetoric, and it might be true that no one on the present Washington scene really wants to reform the bureaucracy, despite what is said on the campaign trail. But Humphrey's statement fails to withstand even casual scrutiny. Under the peculiar political system we have in this country, the party occupying the White House is not necessarily the party "in power." Not complete power, anyway. Take those last eight years Humphrey speaks of. In 1968, while Richard Nixon narrowly defeated him for the presidency, the Democrats managed to retain control of both Houses of Congress. According to the World Almanac, Nixon was the first president since Zachary Taylor in 1848 to begin his first term with the opposition party in control of Congress. In the 1970 off-year elections, the Democrats again retained control of Congress, and yet again in 1972, despite Nixon's massive re-election plurality. Finally, in 1974, voter -" • v ' •. : • Jf '' .'ft reaction to Watergate swept the Democrats to a two-thirds majority in the 435-seat House and almost the same majority in the 100-seat Senate. The Democrats have not always or even frequently been able to mobilize these majorities, of c6urse, and both Nixon and Ford have made generous use of the presidential veto. But exceedingly few vetoes were ever cast because Congress was spending less than the president wanted, or because some new program Congress had set up was too modest. To claim that the Republicans have occupied the government for eight consecutive years and thus Should have been able to mold it closer to their desires is to grossly overstate the powers that reside in the Oval Office. The President of the United States does, indeed, command immense •power and prestige' But he is also the prisoner of a vast, unmoveable, impervious bureaucracy that could drive even such a forceful chief executive as Lyndon B. Johnson up the wall on occasion. The president can push a button and launch World War II and end civilization as we know it. He can also issue an order and have it effectively countermanded by some faceless deputy assistant undersecretary or administrator somewhere down the line. The candidates. Republican and Democrat alike, are correctly reading the popular pulse when they campaign against ''big government." It is not the candidates but the people — the people who time and again have voted for more government, larger government, more activist government but who are now • disillusioned because not all problems are solveable by Washington and because there is no free lunch — these are the ones Hubert Humphrey should be taking to task. But such statements are probably understandable with Humphrey being isolated in Washington. The candidates out in the "field" — Ford, Reagan, Udall, Carter. Jackson, Wallace, et al. are finding that thisstatement is not correct. Inside Report Viewpoint Too Many Cooks By Ray Cromley WASHINGTON - (NEA) - In the past 30 years, economists have had an increasing voice in national policy. The Federal Reserve has grown markedly in influence. The President's Council of Economic Advisers, the Joint Economic Committee of the Senate and House, have been listened to with greater intensity. Special governmental economic advisory groups have proliferated. And private economic studies by such groups as the Brookings Institution, the American Enterprise Institute and Ralph Nader organizations under a variety of names ' have been issuing analysis and advice to all who would listen. The stock of the economic prognosticators reached a new peak when President Ford, shortly after moving into the White House, called in the nation's top reputations, right-left-middle, for a series of • advisory conferences — which ended in a stalemate. Despite this plethora of economic advice — much of which has been incorporated into government policy — the results have been a mixed bag. Take first the material well-being of consumers as interpreted by Paul W. McCracken of the University of Michigan from official statistics. The betterment of individual economic living conditions, so far as they are measured by personal consumption spending, slipped from a 2.7 per cent a year growth in the 30 years between 1899 and 1929 to .1.9 per cent a year in constant prices in the 30 years between 1947 and 1975. McCracken observes that if in the 1899 to 1929 period real personal consumption outlays had risen at the post-1946 rate, the average American family in 1929 would "have had a material level of living about 20 per cent below that which he actually enjoyed." McCracken goes on to note that from "1899 to 1929, as best they can be measured," consumer prices shifted up only 2.7 per cent a year, including the World War I caused jump in the price level. Between 1922 and 1929, "after the economy stabilized following the war," the price level trend was almost flat. It rose at an average of 0.3 per cent a year, which compares with 6.4 per cent from 1968 to 1975. Over the whole 1946-1975 period the increase has averaged 3.6 per cent. In not more than five of the 20 years from 1958 to 1977 McCracken says, will the economy have been operating at reasonably full employment. "No such sustained run of unemployment" can be found in the 1899 to 1929 years. The image of the U.S. economy as lurching violently from boom to burst before stabilization policy became an academic discipline is not supported by the evidence of history." But of course, we have not in the past 30 years had a Great Depression comparable to that in the 1930s either. And the recessions since 1946 have been markedly less severe than those of the 1899 to 1929 period. The average decline in real output in that period's recession years was 3 8 per cent. This contrasts with an average 1.2 per cent slip in the recessions of the 1946 to 1975 period. It is to be noted that during this past 30 years the bulk of the economic advice by far has centered on greater governmental controls on almost every economic aspect of our lives. Until the past year or so. those arguing that many of our controls cost more in holding back.improved methods than they assisted in preventing unfair competition, were virtual orphans. Whether planning and controls have caused our problems or whether they have had a part in lessening the severity of recessions is not clear. The answers we get depend more on the philosophy of the particular economists questions than on any scientific evidence they may carry in their briefcases. "Quote/Unquote" "It's like a turkey shoot."As long as I keep my head down behind the log, everyone says what a gorgeous bird, what beautiful feathers. As soon as I stick my head up from that log, some s.o.b. will shoot it oft. . . - v ; —Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey on his non-candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. The Right vs. Kissinger By Roland Evans and Robert Novak WASHINGTON - Two weeks of confused controversy over U.S. policy on Eastern Europe have laid bare and further heightened the election-year strain between conservative Republicans and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. President Ford last Friday tried to satisfy conservative demands that he disavow U.S. approval of Soviet dominion over Eastern Europe. Although he did so by repeating exactly the same words previously used by Dr. Kissinger, the President's conservative backers seem relatively content. Nevertheless, their struggle with Kissinger continues, intensified by the fact that State Department counselor Helmut Sonnenfeldt incredibly invoked executive privilege in a private meeting last week with an influential right-wing Congressman. That struggle cannot be separated from Ronald Reagan's new assault on Ford-Kissinger foreign policy. To defend against Reagan, Ford loyalists want greater distance between the President and his beleaguered Secretary of State. Indeed, in a distinctly minority view, one conservative adviser told the President last week he would be better off politically with John B. Connally as Secretary of State. The Eastern.European question, always politically volatile because of ethnic voters, arose two weeks ago with disclosure of Sonnenfeldt's briefing in London last December to American ambassadors. The U.S., he said, should strive for an "organic" relationship between the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe to avoid World War III. State Department officials have variously derided this report as either nothing new or nothing true, but the Republican right was incensed. Reading about the Sonnenfeldt doctrine March 22. Sen. James Buckley of New York that day wrote Kissinger asking whether Sonnenfeldt's remarks were accurately reported and reflected Kissinger's own views. A telephone call from Sonnenfeldt and a letter from Kissinger, claiming distortions, did not satisfy Buckley. Meeting March 25 with conservative Republican Congressmen, Kissinger was upbraided over the Sonnenfeldt doctrine by Rep. Edward J. Dcrwinski of Illinois, an ardent Ford booster. A few hours after that breakfast, the sometimes imperious Sonnenfeldt placed his first telephone call ever to Ed Derwinski. Partly because he was busy and partly because he wanted Sonnenfeldt to stew over the weekend. Derwinski did not return the call that week. Meanwhile, nonchalance about the Sonnenfeldt doctrine in White House briefings contrasted sharply with deep concern backstage. Conservative Congressmen were told by senior aides that Mr. Ford had not known about Sonnenfeldt's briefing before it was Advice Better Lovers? By Abigail Van Huron DEAR ABBY: When a reader asked you if Indian men were superior to white men in the art of lovemaking, you suggested that he contact the Bureau of Indian Affairs or the American Indian Movement. As the executive director of the American Indian Movement, I feel it is my duty to respond. For the Indian, "love" does not begin when the lights go out or when pot or liquor is consumed, and it is not confined to the bedroom or any other hidden place. The way in which the Indian treats his wife throughout the marriage is the key to making him a superior lover. His daily acts of kindness, consideration and respect for her demonstrates his love. While we recognize that the sex act may send man's mind afloat for a few Health Bad Breath By Lawrence E. Lamb, M.D DEAR DR. LAMB — Would-you do us, and many other people with the same problem a service by writing about bad breath. I know there are many causes for it other than teeth, but so many people are affected and too embarrassed to ask. With people who wear dentures as we do, I do not feel that just brushing the dentures or soaking them as some products call for does the whole job. I feel the mouth should be cleansed also, but how? We use a mouthwash and gargle it to help, but wonder if that is enough. When away from home are candy type breath pleasers any help? DEAR READER — You're asking about a common problem and one that is most noticeable only to those who do not have bad breath. Breath odors are a part of life. The teeth can be the cause and of course the point here is as much cleanliness as possible. For those who still have all their teeth that means cleaning all of the bases of the teeth and between the teeth. Most soakings and cleanings of dentures by recommended commercial procedures are quite adequate: The odor that remains is usually not from the dentures but from the mouth cavity. A grossly neglected area is the tongue. Brush the surface of it at the same time you are brushing your teeth. Ordinary dentrifice is quite satisfactory for this purpose. Infected tonsils and infections around the throat are contributed to mouth odors. Chronically infected sinuses .with air being drawn in through the nasal passages and breathed back out imparts an unpleasant odor to the breath. Beyond the mouth and nose, the lungs may cause bad breath. As air is exchanged in the lungs, bad odors from the blood stream itself are imparted to the breath. The alcoholic breath that you smell on a person isn't because of retained alcohol around the teeth surfaces orjongue, but,,rather the escaping alcohol vapors from the blood stream into the exhaled air. This is the basis for the breath test for whether a person is drunk or not. Any chemistry imbalance of the body may impart an odor to the breath. A liver disease may give a particular fruity odor to the breath. A diabetic in acidosis will have an acetone odor. Spices impart odors to the breath by being absorbed into the circulation and then perfuming the air as it is ventilated in the,lungs. Emotional upsets that affect digestion and body chemistry can sometimes influence the breath. fleeting moments, it is but a minute part of the overall act of love. The above code of behavior plus the Indian's respect for women have been passed down from father to son. I personally have 15 children and am an Ojibway Indian. • Very truly yours, DENNIS J. BANKS DEAR ABBY: May I answer Ed in East Illinois, who asked: "Is it true that closely guarded tribal secrets on how to please a woman are passed down from father to son, making Indians better lovers than white men?" First the white man took all the Indian's land and some of his women. Now they want the Indian's "love secrets." No way! The Indian needs something to call his own. HALF-BLOODED INDIAN DEAR ABBY: Now I know why The Lone Ranger never got the girl. They all ended up with Jay Silverheels, that good looking Indian who played Tonto SEMINOLE IN FLORIDA DEAR ABBY: Tell Ed, "Yes, there are many closely guarded, secret Indian lovemaking tricks." You will' notice that divorce is very rare among Indians. That's because they know how to please their women." Secrets like the "Apache grip" and the "Kickapoo twist" will never be sold or given away by a true Indian. MIKEWHITEFEATHER IN SEATTLE DEAR ABBY: In response to Ed in East Illinois: I have lived with a Mandan Indian for five years, and I wouldn't trade him for FIVE white lovers. He is the greatest! LINDA IN MARYLAND reported (in this column); upon reading an official summary, he told aides he could see how wrong conclusions could be drawn from it but insisted there is no acquiescence in Soviet dominion. Under intense pressure, the White House decided on a public disavowal. Inexplicably, nothing was said during Mr. Ford's March 2B-27 visit to California, an omission that brought further estrangement between the Republican right and the State Department. On March 30, Sonnenfeldt (his telephone call finally returned) visited Derwinski's office and handed him a copy of Kissinger's letter to Buckley. It no more satisfied Derwinski than it had Buckley. After Sonnenfeldt claimed his remarks were misinterpreted. Derwinski asked to see the official State Department account of his London briefing. But Sonnenfeldt demurred, with an astonishing claim of executive privilege. Since copies of the document were leaking all over Washington and London, that claim took on a weird cast. Derwinski pledged to treat the document confidentially. But Sonnenfeldt stuck to his orders. On April 1, however, a copy leaked to Buckley, who wrote Kissinger again on April 2. The document "does not support" any interpretation that Mr. Sonnenfeldt urged "organic union" between Eastern europe and the Kremlin, .Buckley wrote, but that was his last conciliatory word. Buckley declared that Sonnenfeldt's remarks contradict Kissinger's claims that "our policy in no sense accepts Soviet dominion of Eastern Europe.'' Private suggestions to U.S. diplomats, he wrote, "that we advocate something significantly less than full independence can only undermine the support of our foreign policy among our own citizens and our allies, as well as the ambiguity .such a policy communicates to our adversaries." Drawing that conclusion from the leaked document, Buckley challenged Kissinger to say specifically exactly how Sonnenfeldt's briefing was incorrectly reported. In Milwaukee. April 2. Mr. Ford was intent on satisfying the right, declaring at a luncheon with ethnics that he had no "secret policy" on Eastern Europe. Mr. Ford then repeated verbatim as his own statement the words in Kissinger's letter to Buckley that both Buckley and Derwinski had rejected as inadequate. Derwinski, an elected Ford convention delegate, is now satisfied with the President but calls Kissinger a wheeler-dealer working behind Mr. Ford's back. Derwinski will press both Kissinger and Sonnenfeldt on Eastern Europe when they next testify before the House International Relations Committee. Buckley, neutral in the Ford-Reagan contest, is pressing for confirmation or denial of what Sonnenfeldt said in London. But what is really at stake in this struggle for the soul of the Republican party transcends both Eastern Europe and ethnic politics. DAILY TIMES HERALD 508 North Court Street Carroll, Iowa Daily Except Saturdays, Sundays and Holidays other than Washington's Birthday and Veteran's Day, by the Herald Publishing Company. JAMES W.WILSON. Publisher W. L. REITZ, News Editor JAMES B.WILSON, Vice President, General Manager Entered as second-class matter at the post-office at Carroll, Iowa, under the act of March 2,1897. Member of the Associated Press The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all the local news 'printed in this newspaper as well as all AP dispatches. Official Paper of County and City Subscription Rates By carrier delivery per week $ .60 BY MAIL Carroll County and All Adjoining Counties where carrier service is not available, per year (20.00 Outside of Carroll and Adjoining Counties in Zones 1 and 2 per year S23.00 All Other Mail in the United States, per year J27.00 Berry's World ' © "/ couldn't possibly vote for him. Not after his seeing me LIKE THIS!" In School Answer to Previous Puzzle ACROSS 1^ review 5'School subject (coll.) 9 School chum 12 Preposition 13 Worthless (Scot.) 14 Stowe character 15 Cornmeal pudding 17 Diminutive ol Ronald 18 Biblical name 19 Teachers' 21 Region 23 Male sheep 24 Scoundrel 27 Larissan mountain 29 Simple 32 Foreigners 34 Seesaw 36 Rewrile 37 Interpolations 38 Plant ovule 39 Seasoning 41 Female ruff 42 Reverend (ab.) 44 Mix 46 Doors, lor instance 49 Antic 53 Hawaiian garland 54 Draw in chess 56 Male child 57 Oklahoma cily 58 Unsullied 59 Kind ol lileralure (ab.) 60 Mr Mineo's 61 Wmler vehicle DOWN 1 Shrub 2 Aware ol (slang) 3 American inventor 4 Asian nalion 5 Unruly group 6 Scents 7 Opposite ol (also HHSS aiisrj rarara raHHi=j SHHSI neara 8 Detester 9 Boundary 10 Shakespeare's river 11 Scottish writer 16 Property of Moses' brother 20 Domesticates 22 Road curves 24 Vehicles 25 Nautical term 26 Distracting 28 Tipped 30 Anatomical network 31 Gaelic 33 Kind ol down 35 Lure 40 Attack 43 Clamping devices 45 Sloping ways 46 Otherwise 47 Gaseous element 48 Sicilian volcano 50 Boy's name 51 To be (Fr.) 52 Organ part 55 Lords (ab.)

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