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The Ludington Daily News from Ludington, Michigan • Page 4

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Ludington, Michigan
Issue Date:
Page:
4
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

4 Pally Friday. August Tht Ludington Daily News the pen ii truly few, and tO Editorial Page HIPNIS AND Hipptai are known flower children who lit around at their ease and wear beads and fcr-out clothing. They do not believe in hair or ihaveH. They use drugs for their kicks. While living in the everyday, mundane world they are out of it in a dream world of their own.

Only an affluent society can afford to maintain thousands of hippies who refuse to work. Tippies are a political branch of the Hippies and are evidently well financed. They have hired expensive lawyers to force Chicago authorities to allow them to demonstrate against Hubert Humphrey at the Democratic convention. Obviously this miserable crowd is financed by left wing or Communist elements trying to stir up discord in Chicago. They are attempting to force the city of Chicago to allow them to camp in the public parks and to parade and demonstrate without permits.

The Hippies and Tippies who try to dis- the convention by violating the laws he given the bum's rush and sent back to their disreputable pads. H. P. F. In Washington Mr.

Nixon's Dilemma By Ralph de Toledano Between now and the active start of his campaign, former Vice President Richard Nixon will be under tremendous pressure from the "liberal" wing of the Republican Party to cut loose from the people who won him the nomination. He will be told that they will drag him down to defeat as they presumably destroyed the ticket ialM4. If Mr. Nixon responds favorably to their arguments, however, he will be insuring a victory for the Democratic nominee. This is not to say that he must actively campaign against the "liberals' in his own party or drive away what support they can offer.

In a Presidential election, every vote counts. And unless Mr. Nixon out deliberately to antagonize the Rockefeller-Romney faction of the GOP, he will have them on his side: They are, indeed, as hungry for the fruits of political success as Mr. Nixon himself. The onslaught on Mr.

Nixon has already begun. The news column! and the editorial pages are full of admonitions that he should cast aside the so-called Southern strategy and make a play for the big-city vote. Whatever validity these plaints may have once had, it disappeared when former Governor George Wallace enter- id the Presidential race. Under normal conditions, much of the South would have gone almost automatically to the Republicans. With it would have gone those areas in the North that have reacted in angry concern to the riots and violence of the past year.

Now Mr. Nixon can no longer take the South for granted. Yet to write it off by mounting a "liberal" campaign, by parroting the Johnson-Humphrey line on Federal spending, and by making a play for the Vietnik element, would lose him vital strength in the South, the Midwest, and the Far West without gaining him any comparative strength in the industrial states. The faction of the Republican Party is neither strong enough nor numerous enough to affect the outcome. And those on the Democratic left who would, again presumably, flock to him would never shift allegiance to him from Mr.

Humphrey. The "liberals" have in fact repeatedly demonstrated that they have no intention of giving their help and their vote to any Republican. Governor Nelson Rockefeller has played up to them strenuously, but his pluralities have steadily been smaller in every successive election. Mr. Nixon, moreover, occupies a particular position among the "liberals" of the Democratic Party.

They have colored him black, an arch-villain, and nothing he can say or do will win them over. His record on extending the boundaries of Negro employment, as this column has more than once noted, was exemplary during his tenure as Vice President. This won him many a warm handshake from Negro leaders, few votes from Negroes, and fewer expressions of gratitude when the campaign chips were down. None of this is news to Mr. Nixon.

But he will have to cope with Governor Rockefeller's determination and his threats of withdrawing even tacid approval when the two men confer on campaign strategy and campaign policy. Mr. Rockefeller would like to emerge as the dominant man and as the voice of Republican role few in the GOP would assign him. He holds no cards except record as the spoiler in 1960 and 1964. If, in order to maintain peace in his party, Mr.

Nixon agrees to shift the emphasis of his play down his promise to meet violence and disorder head on, or to stress a soft line on the welfaristic approach to civil rights so dear to Mr. he will drive away his most tireless workers and discourage those who are slowly shifting to his side as the Democrats push hard to make of their Presidential convention Kilkenny Alley. At this point, the issues are clear and it is the issues that will elect Mr. Nixon, not any "charisma" or Madison-Avenue concocted glamour. If he fuzzes them up or seems to compromise with the forthright thesis of his acceptance speech, the national disappointment will be palpable.

More than any other leader in today's political arena, Mr, Nixon cannot afford to allow this kind of disillusionment to seize the electorate. Those who press on him a policy of appeasement toward the "liberals" will be the first to condemn him for what they will rightly call expediency. It will be difficult for Mr. Nixon to resist the pressures, as it would be for any candidate. Mr.

Humphrey's sigzag course on Vietnam is witness to this. But if he if to win, he must stand firm, at I believe he will. THE LUDINGTON DAILY NEWS vUcft to ftgity T-nWrprin Pifclie Affairs Two-Party System Avoids Issues Thomas A. Lane "WHAJ'J A NICE GUY LIKE YOU D0IM6 IN A PLACE Dear Abby Flyer's Behavior Was Not Uniform By Abigail Van Buren WASHINGTON Apologists for the establishment extoll the virtues of our two-party system. They claim that the existence of two parties, each covering the full range of ideological variation, avoids the embittered and passionate partisanship of ideologically oriented parties.

It assures, they say, political stability and continuity regardless of the party in power. Concede the claim. But is that good? Do we want a society in which the crucial issues of policy are not debated because the political parties represent a system of averaging which bars principled action? If the party in power makes a wrong judgment on so vital an issue as the communist threat to the free world must the other party arrive at the same judgnient because it represents a similar consensus? Isn't it a basic reality of free government that the corruption of the party in power can be restrained only through a vigorous opposition party? Isn't it time for our people to recognize that the togetherness of our consensus oriented political parties is a chief cause of our national decline? In practice, the Democratic Party is striving mightily to achieve one-party government. It is ideologically oriented. It is militant.

Only the Republican Party shrinks from conflict. Consider the Republican Party plank on Vietnam. It calls for build-up of the South Vietnam forces and transfer to them of the fighting now carried by U.S. forces. This is the policy announced by Secretary of Defense Clark Clifford when he took office.

The Republicans have endorsed the Johnson policy! Is it sound policy? The answer is an emphatic NO! For although the buildup of South Vietnam fighting forces is overdue, transfer of the fighting to a people already suffering grievously from U.S. constraints would constitute crav- ern withdrawal from a fight we have failed to win. This Clifford policy proposes measures which obviously cannot be carried out before our November elections. It promises the American people a reduction of casualties at some time in the indefinite future. It is the kind of promise we had from Secretary McNamara year after year as the casualties mounted.

Secretary Clifford has given a new twist to the propaganda to enhance its credibility. Who can believe that substituting South Vietnamese for U.S. soldiers will strengthen our joint effort or resolve the conflict? This is just another political ploy to deceive the people. You might suppose that the Republican Party would oppose and expose this folly and decep- tion of the Democrats. However, that course would open a policy debate and alienate the left wing of the party.

The party must endorse the Democratic error, at whatever cost to the country. So too on bombing, candidate Nixon can agree with President Johnson on preserving the present bombing restrictions over North Vietnam. Though logic clearly requires the United States to restore full-scale bombing of North Vietnam, Mr. Nixon cannot advocate such a challenge to administration policy. He might repel the left wing of his own consensus.

This kind of politics is a perversion of the two-party system which feeds on the demoralization it creates. It is alien to the American tradition. The Republican Party was born in militancy on the issue of slavery but it has now repudiated its vital principle. While the country cries out for a rational policy to repel communist aggression, both parties are silent. In attempting to span all points of view, they have become irrelevant to our age.

Only parties with fighting leadership can serve the United States in an age when communism threatens to destroy our civilization. The Republicans of 1860 have become the Whigs of 1968. Will the Independent. Party of 1968 become the Republican Party of 1860? That is the question. Matter Of Fact New Fifth Avenue Compact? DEAR ABBY: You always tell girls that men in uniform are O.K.

I would have agreed with you a few years ago, but not any more. I learned my lessons with a guy in the Air Force. Boy, was he ever a wolf! I never saw a guy work so fast in all my life. He was a perfect gentleman as long as he was in uniform, but the minute he got out of uniforn he was a changed person. ANNIE LOU DEAR ANNIE: You never should have let him take his uniform off.

DEAR ABBY: We have two sons, 11 and 14. My husband opened a savings account for each of them when they were born, and he keeps putting money into it for their education, plus any money they get from their grandparents for birthday, Christmas, etc. However, every cent they get their hands on (allowance or money for doing odd jobs) they fritter away on foolishness, so their father laid down a rule. Half of their allowances and half of all the money they earn has to go into the bank. Now they sit on their duffs and refuse to do odd jobs to earn extra money.

They say, "Daddy will only make us put it in the bank." What can parents do about kids who have that attitude? We want to teach them to save: Have you or other parents any ideas? STUMPED DEAR STUMPED: Forcing a child to save makes saving a bitter experience. Let them "fritter away their allowances on foolishness." And let them "sit on their duffs" instead of doing odd jobs to earn extra money, and they will soon realize that they are cheating only themselves. The best way to learn the value of money is to be without it for awhile. DEAR ABBY: I would like to comment on letters appearing in your column in which people describe intolerable situations with in-laws, friends or neighbors who impose upon them. They ask you, "What shall I do?" I used to be irritated with your stock answer: "Tell the person how you feel!" I think in almost every case, the writer knows that this is the only solution, but he hopes you will have some magic words that will make it easier for him.

Telling others how you feel doesn't necessarily mean telling them off. I was faced with a very an- noying situation. Some of our friends used to drop by our beach home every Sunday morning. They'd spend the entire day there, drinking our beer, eating our food, and messing up our shower with wet towels. Then one day I faced the issue and told them firmly, but quietly that the situation had gotten out of hand and in the future they were welcome only when invited.

I didn't apologize for telling them. I just "up and told 'em," which wasn't easy. Now I'm sorry I didn't tell them sooner. At first they were a little hurt, but they got over it, and we are still good friends. They come only when invited and we like it that way.

I just wanted to say, "There are no magic words to put into people's mouths. From Dear Abby, or anybody else." TILLIE AT THE SHORE Confidential To "In A Fog About Modern It's a crowded fog you're in. "One WASHINGTON-Who now remembers the "Fifth Ave. Compact" of 1960? On that occasion, Vice President Richard Nixon averted a platform fight by joining Gov. Nelson Rockefeller in calling, among other things, for a major intensification of the Eisenhower Administration's defense effort.

In the darkening shadow of the second Berlin crisis, this was a sensible thing to do; yet it probably cost Nixon the election that year. This untold story is now worth telling, on the eve of the new Nixon-Rockefeller meeting, which Nixon plainly should no more try to understand art than one should try to understand the song of a bird." (PICASSO) Everybody has a problem. What's yours? For a personal reply write to Abby, Box 69700, Los Angeles, 90069 and enclose a stamped, self-addressed envelope. DAILY CROSSWORD ACROSS Love CONTRACT BRIDGE By B. Jay Becker (Tep RMerd-HelcUr in Matters' Individual Championthip Play) BIDDING QUIZ Tou are the dealer, both sides vulnerable, and have opened One Club.

Partner responds Two Clubs. What would you bid now with each of the following four hands? 1. 9842 VKQ10 S. 46 AJ5 4. 4KQ7 A 1.

Pass. Hands containing 14 high card points automatically qualify as opening bids. This principle applies even though it may occasionally be awkward to find a proper suit with which to open the bidding. In this hand, for example, the opening kid is mandatory even though it la necessary to bid a three-card auit to start the ball rolling. In general, three card suits are not regarded as biddable, but when there is a choice between passing an opening bid and bidding a non-biddable suit, it is practically always better to bid.

When partner raises to two clubs, showing 6 to 9 points, it becomes clear there is no game. Since partner guarantees at least four clubs for the raise, a part score contract in clubs becomes playable. To bid again would indicate game aspirations and would almost 'surely result in a minus score. Three notrump. With 26 or more points accounted for, and a hand well suited for notrump, to three notrump stands out as the proper rebid; It would be wrong to bid only two notrump, which partner might pass.

A slam is out of the question once partner has limited his strength by responding two clubs. 3. Three clubs. Although we have only 14 high-card points facing 6 to 9, the possibility of game cannot be dismissed. The hand should be revalued on the basis of playing tricks, both for notrump and suit purposes.

Thus, we can treat the hand as worth seven or eight tricks towards a three notrump contract. In effect, the three club bid indicates that game is possible if partner has a top-value two club response. Partner will pass three clubs far more often than not, but rarely will anything be lost by the effort to reach game. 4. Four notrump.

A slam is decidedly possible, and the key to whether twelve tricks can be made is the number of aces partner has. This is a classic case for Blackwood. If partner has no aces, he responds five clubs, which pass. If he has one ace, he bids five diamonds and we convert to six clubs which may be lay- down, or, at worst, depend on a finesse. If partner has two aces, he bids five hearts and we stop at six clubs, since partner cannot also have the king of diamonds for the two club sponse.

of Mine" 5. Vipers 9. Talk irrationally 10. Kind of camp 11. Roof of mouth 13.

Kill 15. Hesitation syllable 16. and void 18. Dusk 19. Discern 21.

Gratifies 23. Bang 25. Wind instrument 26. Republic InSW Arabia 28. Occupies 32.

Kind of comedy 34, Chimney dirt 35. Sect 39. Girt'3 nickname 40. River into the Amazon 41. Weaving machine 43.

Compass point 44. Edges 46. Happenings 48. Expired 60. Astringent fruit' 61.

Camisolo 52. Ages DOWN Stamp upon 2. Man's nickname 3. Igor's compatriot 4. Arrangement 5.

Jewish month 6. Distress signal 7. Citizens of Lodz 8. Part of a barrel 11. Kitten 12.

Old measures of length 14. Affirmative reply 17, Frond 20. Sweet potato 22.1936-45 coalition 24. Thaw 27. Waste fiber 28.

Spanish article 30. Sofas 31. Sweltera 33. Trees 35. Resinous tree 36.

Chemical 37. Dromedary 38. Hangman's loop ffltHiasHifl anas CIO HBSKfl HHK HUH UMlimSEl Hcnrara sara HBHIHB raiHra HUBS SOB QHH masts nn Amiwcr 42, Venus de 45. Cebine monkey 47. compel mentis 49.

War refugee: abbr. IS 2i 35 40 44 36 46 20 16 24 45 21 ZT 41 49 12. 3b 62 22 44 41 40 45 41 o-aa DAJJ.Y Here's how to work it: AXYDX.0AAXR Is LONGFKfcLOW One letter simply stands for another. In this sample A to we4 for the three L's, for the two O's, etc. Single letters, apoa- trophies, the length and formation of the We all JSacb day tbe code letters are different.

BEHBOIA A Cryptogram HNAVOEWB AMYBVNYBA CJ1NBEHAXNL OEH OFABSW8 BEBVX NV. XMQBRR Oryptoquote: TKK MOST rlC VAN IN A CAUSE IS RARELY CHOSEN A3 A (C 1968, King Features Syndicate, Inc.) tomorrow; Attacking the right suit. hope will lead to a new compact. In 1960, in brief, Secretary of State Christian Herter and Secretary of Defense Thomas Gates had independently reached Rockefeller's conclusion that the increasingly reckless and threatening tone of the Kremlin demanded a large increase in defense appropriations. At a minimum, as Herter later put it, "it was necessary to show Krush- chev we meant business over Berlin." Herter was deputed to go to Newport, where President Eisenhower was vacationing, to sell the idea of a special defense increase on the order of $4 billion.

Although the President was reluctant, he agreed to the proposal. But Herter unhappily failed to initiate the practice of his predecessor, John Foster Dulles, who regularly hastened to let the world know about difficult presidential decisions, lest something come along to change the presidential mind. Meanwhile Nixon, unbeknownst to Herter and indeed to Eisenhower, was on his way to New York to meet with Rockefeller. The news of their compact, with its implied criticism of the Eisenhower defense policies, was in the next morning's newspapers. And in the heat of the resulting presidential wrath, the decision taken at Herter's urging promptly went up in smoke.

Thus, the $4 billion special defense increase was aborted. I once asked President Kennedy whether he could have won if the increase had gone through. He replied that such an increase would almost certainly have given Nixon just the extra push needed for success in the fearfully close contest of 1960. Nothing could be more different that the circumstances of the new Nixon-Rockefeller meeting, which is again to take place in the same Fifth Ave. apartment house.

Yet this meeting can again prove fateful for the former Vice President. The circumstances are different, to begin with, because Rockefeller has no further political ambitions. To want nothing, yet to have much to give, puts strong leverage in any man's hand. The circumstances are different in another way, too, because the topic, this time, will not be national defense and foreign policy. It will be Nixon's obvious intention to use the "Southern strategy" in this campaign.

If there is any subject on which Rockefeller feels more strongly than he feels about the world role of the United States, that subject is civil rights. Yet if there is any development that would halt all progress toward justice and equal opportunity for America's black minority, that development is the election of a President whose prime appeal has been to the right-wing Republicans and to (kg racial of George By Joseph Alsop Wallace. Nixon has clearly adopted the Southern strategy because his own vote, plus the Wallace adds up to a substantial majority in every national poll. His aim must really has to attract into the Nixon column a great many of those who now support Wallace by telling them, in effect, "I can be elected while Wallace cannot, and I believe a lot of the same things." There is the problem that Nixon and Rockefeller have to thrash out between them. Those close to the governor think that the- problem is so that there will be no compact or other public announcement after the first meeting on Fifth Ave.

They believe that an agreement to meet again, and to 'thrash the matter -out further, is the best that can be leading to a careful joint com- munique after a second or even a third meeting. The dilemma confronting Nixon is bound to be a very painful one; hence, the foregoing forecasts. For Rockefeller is unlikely to be content with anything less -than a binding contract that the former Vice President will not use the Southern strategy. Yet such contract, if given lived up to, would stultify Nixon's whole plan of campaign. The meeting, or meetings, ought to be extremely interesting, in short.

What will be more interesting, however, will be the response of Republicans like Rockefeller if Nixon adheres the plan of getting elected by winning votes from the Wal- laceite ranks. Where To Your representatives In Congress and the state legislature cannot know your views unless you tell them. Their addresses are: U.S. SENATORS Philip A. Hart (D), Robert P.

Griffin (R) Washington, D. 20510 Address: Senate Office Bldf. CONGRESSMAN Guy VanderJagt (R) House Office Washington, D. 20515 STATE SENATOR Oscar E. Bouwsma (R) Michigan State Senate Lansing, 48902 STATE REPRESENTATIVE Dennis Cawthorne (R) House of Today's Thought: One act of charity will teach us more of the love of God than a thousand sermons.

STATE SAVINGS BANK.

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About The Ludington Daily News Archive

Pages Available:
95,345
Years Available:
1930-1977