The Times from London, Greater London, England • Page 9

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ntfl Notices, Www I. Trjfry wtaUul SuUl. Aaria Sotiet ruo. 2ytnaasV rieces. Sale, by AucUant ICXVOS, TBUJtSDAT, MAY 6, 1STJ.

The Boom of Commons yesterday was occupied isKBS tit whole sitting by the discussion on the sLaeod Readme ol the Sale of Intoxicating Liquor Sandsy (Ireland) UilL It was moved by Mr. I who explained that its object was to iljubit the indiscriminiU sale of intoxicating tnoo Sunday, extending to Ireland the same jVrtich hsd worked so much Uneut to Scotland fcr tb last 20 years. Jit CaLLax mo red the rejection of the Bill, on lie geeeral ground that prohibitory legislation of kind was undesirable, and also because the malt would be the encouragement of illicit drink tat; and Mf O'Oormax, in seconding the Raiment, in a humorous speech, described the as a mockery or piece of class legislation, and aamolut to illicit distillation. Mr.O MmuHXEssv, Jit. Ocuifax, and Mr.

MrftrHT also opposed the ISO. Oa tbe other side, the UCoxor Dox, Mr. CataXash, Sir 0. Bowtm, 5Ir. MacAtxct, and Mr.

Lswn spoke in fsrour of the Second Heading; lsring spsaal stress on the practical unanimity the liuh nenbers, and on the general support which it receiTed in Ireland, as evinced by the petitions aad public meetings. It was also pointed out ttat uadtr such cucomstanoes to negative the Bill by Erg'A roles would famish a strong argument thellome Ralen. ir M. Bicu Uxica, oa behalf of the Gorem mest, opposed the in the large towns, at least, would either be evaded or would lead to riots. legialstion of this character bad failed wherever it had been tried, aad the general current of poblie opiaioa was against it.

As to the state of cpution in Ireland, petitions emanating from the nper sad middle classes were not intallibla tests at the news and interests ol ue lower classes, it the Bill had proposed to deal only with the country tenets or to extend the limits of restrictions it Bight have furnished a basis for a satisfactory srttlfwn el the question, but in its present shape the OuTsrnmeat could not assent to the Second ItbUuMTOXX replied that fire tenths of tbe fopalatioa of Ireland were to be found in the escstry the consistent course was far the Government to read the Bill a second time, sad to introduce exceptions in Committee. Es supported the Second Reading, however, lecaass this was a matter on which the aamo deference ought to be paid to the local opinion of Ireland as wss allowed to Scotland when the Torbss Mackenri Act was passed. That public eaaka is Ireland was in favour of this BUI, Mr. Cuxrioxx was convinced by the petitions, and by the experience of voluntary closing, and he hoped that it would not be overborne by a phalanx of English rotes. fir Jon Exxxawat also supported the Bill, sad Mr.

was speaking against it, when the debate was adjourned at a quarter before la answer to Mr. Lows, Mr. W. H. Sxtth said IhtBndgst Resolutions will net be taken to day.

Sod other business was disposed of, and the Boost adjourned at 10 minutes to o'clock. War than Germany. Since money is power in these dsys, we cannot expect the Military Party in Pruttia to look with indifference to the iimr.cme iicalth which the pressure of events has reviaVJ in their rival, but tho most formidable of all tbe facts is that France is rapidly restoring her military strength, and we frankly aJrnH that she is doing Uiis with imprudent haste. She has vast resources, but in tho present condition of lmr finincos it would be far Letter for her to spend any surplus revenue in the redemption ol debt or to diminish her taxes than to emlwrrus hertelf by sn immense War budget. Even if her military exjwuditure were reduced by at least ooe third.

her armr would be large enough to from Mr. Dtsasau was that he would not disturb an arrangement so long sanctioned by the wisdom of our ancestors. It it well understood that the courso pursued on Tuesday night by Sir. Dikkaeli was peculiarly his own, and, indeed, tho difficulties presented to our notice in the coutrat tetween the attitude of the Party and of their chief must bu increased we attempt to consider what the Cabinet would be disposed to ssy upon the subject. The Chaxcelloe of tho Excueqckk is not the most resolute of men, but he has a faculty for business, and could not hesitate to see how a simple matter like that of the control of tbe admission of Strangers and of repotting ought to be arrangod.

Mr. Hist and Mr. provide for her internal security and to cuard her Ckoj could be no less clear upon the subject and frontiers. All this may be frankly admitted but, if Mr. Uakdv had been able to deliver at length human nature being what it is, we can scarcely be bu thoughts ou Tuesday, we should certainly surprised that the French should yearn to regain have found him on the side of common sense, the military power which was their chief i But we con descend a long way below the glory.

They may do so without haviug any level, of Cabinet Ministers. By what may ap scheme of revenge, and, indeed, there 1 pear an odd but fortunate chance two private is not the slightest reason to believe that the members of tho Conservative Party had put in most warlike of their Statesmen cherishes more the Order Book Notices of Amendment to Lord than a vague dream of someday dictating conditions Motion, and these two members were of Peace. The very wildest Parisian visionaries Mr. Charley and Mr. BEKEsroRD Hon.

It would know that, for tbe present at least, War is out of be difficult, perhaps impossible, to lisfht upon two print this morning a letter from a Trench MBespiwdsnt. which would certainly spread un ssrincst thruuihoat Europe if the apprehensions Tkri it describes were well founded. We hasten to sty that bclieTS these fears to be due only to tU heated fancy of our French neighbours but we CTslhea publicity because it would be worse than fsfy to hide any grave misgivings which may be 4starbiaf; Paris. Some political observers of that espital look forward with alarm, it would seem, to tU nesting between the German Exmtox and the Xapsrar of Beau The issues of Peace or War, they depend upon the result of that interview. Military Party of Germany believe, we in told, that she committed an immense wader when the allowed France to escape suy after the war.

That fine of two hundred JBffioos, which was thought at the time to be crush proved to be only a light burden to a try aaarvelloualj rich in the fertility ol her sad the industry and frugality of her people. raaeeAU lost Metx, but she retains Belfort, Nor annexation of Alsace and Lorraine, or im Bast taxes, or political disunion prevented her tasking rapid strides towards her old state of She is arming for a war of re but it is not too late for Germany to repair pwns blunders which she mad in a spirit of wJcolaiiag A pretext being found for far, she could again send her armies to of Paris. Then France would be com to orreader Belfort, to limit her active Py tea milliards of francs in twenty yearly "fiiBjeatA, which she should have no powtr to maat, aad until the day of clearance to con ts psr cent, interest on the unredeemed "aosolthe debt. If the Emperor of Kcasia J0 sanction such a scheme, say the informants French correspondent, Germany would f.ao other Potentate, and France would "(rashad. eouM not do a better service to the SS of iaterDAiioB.I iimm W.

Vn. i sss sf bsewa ejeisM) tliiil sainii1 ndity of their extravagance, the fears 4 mm Parisian politirfsni. Such apprehensions rv oe brought into tho daylight with all possi "yW We can also beet show that they are by frankly confessing that the relations Jf0? 4 Germany are not satisfactory. The Mpwwildhavebeenaraoeof seraphs if TMd bora with resignation tho tremendous dis of the War, or If they had accepted the oon cl pesos wiUiineek thankfulness. The fact vanity prompted them to believe that they Overthrown ratfalv thev had ban the the tone of the National Assembly is as peaceful as the temper of the House of Com 1 tnons.

It is quite true that warlike possibilities msy exist in the future, and we can state them without reserve. If the French Army were thoroughly organized, if somo political party believed its lsst hope to lie in a victorious campaign on the Rhine, if Germany were to lose so much of her discretion as to choose such a moment for an attack on another neighboured if allies were thus thrownto the side of France, then, no doubt, the prospects of Europe would be dark indeed. But such a list of contingencies recalls the predictions that England may yet have to encounter tome great State at the very time when she has on her hands a disordered Ireland and mutinous Colonies. It is the business of statesmanship to prevent the accumulation of critical dangers. So much may be said on the side of France.

It is easy, on the other hand, to understand the reasoning nf those Germans who lcok at political relations solely from a military point of view. They naturally think that the best way to protect Germany is to crush France. But if they believe that they were too merciful during the late War, and that they ought to repair their neglect by picking a quarrel in the hope of annihilating the power of France, their reasoning is as mistaken in tho one case as it is detestable in the other. More rigorous conditions of Peace might not have been safe even to the victor. France was sufficiently crushed to accept the proposed terms with a sullen acquiescence but M.

Gaxbxtta was at the head of a War Party, which might have proved too strong for the restraints of prudence if the victors had made a more wanton use of their a renewal of the War at the dictate of desperation might have been embarrassing to Germany as well as to France. That consideration, however, belongs to history. Far different would be the proposal to begin the War anew without provocation and solely to complete an unfinished work of destruction. Bnt we utterly disbelieve the statement that so cynical an idea has taken hold of any considerable or powerful part of the German people. Whatever may be loosely said at military mess tables or whispered in a spirit of bravado, it is impossible that such a Statesman a Prince Buxakcx could gravely suggest, or such a ruler as the Empkbor sanction, or such a nation as the Germans support a proposal to destroy a neighbouring State simply because, in some unforeseen circumstances, it might again become aggressive.

That plea would bo more worthy of a barbarian conqueror than of a civilized State. Were it even to be seriously discussed by responsible Statesmen, a deadly blow would be struck at the feeling of trust which is as necessary to the intercourse of nations as of men. The German people do not need to be informed that they would commit a flagrant breach of international morality if they were to break a Treaty of Peace which was recently imposed upon France and signed by their own representatives nor do they need to be warned against so cynical an outrage as an attack on a nation which desires to remain at peace with them. It is said that the Military Party are trying to make the Emperor lay aside his personal fcelinga of honour out of regard for the interests of the nation but we refuse to believe that he has been insulted even by the suggestion to blacken his own conscience at the dictate of a Machiavellian patriotism. He has given no one a right to think that he would thus play fast and loose with those moral obligations which are as binding on tbe rulers of great nations as on the humblest of their subjects.

Nor is there any more reason to suppose that the Emperor of ItcssiA would lend his influence to a wanton attack on a State with which he has not the slightest cause of quarrel. It is probable that, if the origin of the rumours we publish only to discredit were probed deeply enough, it would bo found in the careless blustering of Prussian soldiers, in the strange recklessness of the Berlin Press, and perhaps in noma empty menaces let fall by Statesmen who place great reliance on the diplomatic value of fear. But these explanations would be insufficient to account for any alarm in France if Re volutions, Wan, rumours of Wars, and a chronic state of suspense had not taken, even from intellectual Frenchmen, the faculty of political judgment. Living in an atmosphere of susDicion, they misuke the phantoms of their own imagination for realities. Otherwise, political men could not for a momen be misled by the wild idea that the German Exrxaox, the Emperor of Russia, Prince Bum i roc, and the German people would all com.

bine to annihilate the power of France in order to prevent her from sending her armies across the Rhine in some distant and hypothetical future. because tho Empire was only a ana because Inez nad tor onoe gone thtay Kor could they have been expected Alsaco and Lorraine without mentally I41 a tow to wrench both Provinces from vt tho victor. Nor, again, could they PaUava imTliarda of franca without dster they would aome day exact a stern JT'W at Berlin; But there is nothing unusual 15 a4 fci faU a alarming la their WaopeotsatrwslngTuAthrwata. A sssasaaaU man itv.tvj.T... tiw last to crodg that dream of ntrj TP.

Wtr, that then are nun tanribla'iacta boastful aatidpaUoBs. It to atr old atata ol prosperity irlUi speed well ftxdu tha BTT of bar members iu whom the primal sentiments of Con' servatism are so unadulterated. There are Con servatives iu the House who are Conservatives because their fathers were so before them, and they inherit their politics as they do the colour of their liveries. There are Conservatives, again, who are Conservatives by a. cynical or by a selfish habit of mind, who reject all suggestions of change because they disbelieve in improvement.

There are others, not many a score or so at most who fairly believe thst we live not merely under the best of existing Constitutions, but undev the best of all ponsible political systems nay, who go further and are confident that our national organization is perfect in each smallest detail and among these honest optimists who excite our admiration, our amusement, and our respect, Mr. Chaklet and Mr. BEBXsroRO Hon are especially eminent from the thoroughness of their faith. Yet these members hastened to give their independent testimony in favour of Lord Uartixctox's Resolutions by inscribing in the Notice Book Amendments which accepted his proposals in substance while modifying their form. Betweeu Lord Uartixotox and Mr.

Charley there was no real difference, and Lord IlARnxarox honestly said he could discover no variation in principle between them. So, again, Lord Hartixotox professed his perfect willingness to accept the variation, or addition, Mr. Hon proposed in reference to his Resolutions. The debate on Tuesday night, after the reporters were excludod, was naturally excited, and wo must be slow to fasten upon the members who are reported to have spoken the responsibility of the loose statements attributed to each of them. Yet we shall probably not be wrong in believing that some reflections, more or less warm, were thrown on Mr.

Scluvax, as if he was to blame for what had happened. This criticism was altogether misapplied. What Mr. Scluvax did was what Mr. IX ley did five years ago and not, as Lord Haetixotox seems to have thought, recommended merely and the blame of it must be saddled upon Mr.

Disraeli, and not upon Mr. Scluvax. We dislike, "some one is supposed to have said in reference to Mr. Scluvax, "coercion in the House of Commons." This is Mr. Scluvax 'a own senti ment.

He dislikes the coercion of individual wilfulness, and he shows how odious it is in order to get its power suppressed. It is the absurd rule and those who uphold it that must be condemned. Mr. Disraeli says the rule is good, or. at all events, he cannot see his wsy to modifying it, because it has been acquiesced in, if not supported, by a long line of Parliamentary authorities but ho forgot to add that while these men supported it tbey did so because they knew it was never put into force.

There are laws in the Statute Book now which are allowed to remain there because no one ever seeks to euforce them but if an attempt were made to compel obedience to them in a single instance, they would be immediately repealed. This tbe actual case with tbe rule allowing a single mem ber to have the uncontrolled power of excluding reporters. It is a rule in favour of which no argu ment can be advanced and when Mr. Scluvax made it plain that he intended to enforce it dsy after day until it was repealed, it became the policy oi a wise man vo get na ot it as soon as possible. Instead of recognizing this necessity, Mr.

Disraxu spent half an hour in proving, or attempt ing to prove, that the sacred tradition was possibly valuable and certainly productive of no tneon venience, and no course was left to Mr. Scllivax but to demonstrate the fallacy of these conclusions. Tbe wonder is thst Mr. Dusaeu did not foresee the forks of humiliation under which he was march ing but, as he did pot it is useless to attempt to deny his error. Before the 20 th is reached he will be better sd ised.

It is no pleasure to us it is in violence of our prepossessions to confess that Mr. Disraxu invited discomfiture, received it, and deserved it, and we hope we shall be spared the pain of witnessing a repetition of such gratuitous per verseness. We believe we do not err in saying that the ma jority of the members of the Conservative Party present on Tuesday night were disappointed as they listened to the strangely timid aad in co Delusive reasoning of their Leader. Cer tainly this was the sentiment that animated every one of them yesterday, and those who ware not too much annoyed to speak were open. mouthed in condemning the policy which invited the rtductio ad abturdum Mr.

Scluvax was not slow to supply. We know that the Conservative Party it a great Party. It is a Party so great that it requires the assistsnc of a slow aad deeply planned process of education at a preliminary condition to the exercise of its energies. Like soma huge and fesbly organixed sea monster, whoso limbs lie float ing many a rood on tho watery waste, its parts have to be collected together and its intelligence quickened before it is capable of action. So much we have been told in substance, if not In identical words, by one who ought to know, for he spent the best years of his life in studying the character of tha host he determined to lead.

We are but re peating what Mr. Disraxxi said at Edinburgh, seven years ago, after tha triumph of hit Reform BilL But after seven years tha longest apprenticeship is over, and oa Tuesday night tha army whoso educa tion had bean hit boast had surpassed their leader. He was floundering in doubts and difficulties of his own creating, while they were ready to act. What possible argument, they asked, it then for not adopting that rule of reason which shall make at at onoe masters of the questioa whether we will or will not allow war proceedings to be made public a question that must always be dependent on our dis Urajtoaja tha last rsaort t.Jjad tha aanrtx that came The House of Commons has once more displayed an unfortunate inability to come to a decision on a Bill of considerable importance. Yesterday Mr.

R. Smyth, in a moderate and forcible speech moved the Second Reading of the Bill for Prohibit ing tbe Sale of Intoxicating Liquors in Ireland on bandays. lne measure possesses political as well as social importance, lor tne manner in which it is dealt with is liable to be treated as a test of the capacity of the Imperial Parlia ment in legislating for Irish affairs, and may consequently have no little inflaence on the course of the Horns Rule movement. It is a matter on which the House ought at the least to come to a decision, and either frankly to concede or dis tinctly to refuse the legislation which is asked. The Debate of yesterday afforded especial reasons for coming to such a decision.

It was conducted, notwithstanding one or two conspicuous exceptions, with remarkable thought ulness and, above all, the House had the advantage of having the case for and against the' Bill stated by Sir Michael Hicks Beach on the one side and by Mr. Gladstoxe, in a model Wed nesday speech, on the other. All the elements for a decision were provided in an unusual degree, and the House itself, to do it justice, seemed most anxious to decide the question. Mr. Smyth duly replied, but some strange perversity polled two English members to insure the defeat of the measure by the operation of the forms of the House.

Sir Joax Kxxxawat thought it necessary to protest that while voting for the Bill he held himself free to oppose any similar measure for England, and then, as the critical quarter to 6 drew near, Mr. Whexlhocsi rose to speak in opposition, and continued until the fatal moment arrived. The Debate was necessarily adjourned, and at this stage of the Session such a misfortune leaves a measure very little hope. It is difficult to remonstrate too strongly against a proceeding which it capable of such unfortunate misrepresentation. We do not pretend to know, and are at a loss to imagine, the motivss of Mr.

Wkxelhocu but there it no difficulty in fore sstinft tha interpretation which will be placed by popular speakers ia Ireland, not merely upon his conduct, but uson the consecrusno which ha forced um theHouse. Itcanbestatedwithoutbeinginconsistent with patent facts that a measure of great domestic importance to Ireland was talked out by English members, notwithstanding the cordial support of Mr. Gladstoxe. If a measure which is brought before the House with such advantages cannot secure so much as a vote for or against it, what, it may be asked, is the confidence which can be placed in Imperial legislation for home affairs in Ireland It is seldom that the points practically at issue are so well stated as in yesterdsy Debate. In the speeches of the Irish Sscretaey and of Mr.

Glai stoxe the two sides of tbe case are concisely summed and there cannot be much difference of opinion on which side the balance of argument lies. The speech of Sir Michael Hicks Beach was composed of hesitating pleas, and ended by a practical concession of tbe main principle of the BilL Its supporters, he said, would do better to approach the subject tentstively. Before 1672 publichouses were open between 2 and 11 on Sundays. In that year, after an inquiry in a previous Session by a Select Committee, the hour of lom? was made 7 o'clock, and no dissatis faction has ensued. The Government is prepared to go further in the wsy of restriction, and would even consider with attention a proposal that Sunday closing should be tried in tbe country districts.

But, as the Bill proposes to enforce it in town and in country alike, Sir Michael thought it necessary to oppoie it. As Mr. Gladstoxe observed, this is a concession which carries the main point at issue, and which ought to have insured the support of the Government. It would leave very intelligible ground for opposition if Ireland were a country principally composed of large towns. But, as every one knows, the case is just the opposite.

Tbe towns are a subordinate element in Irish life, and do not contain more than perhaps one fifth of the people. The Government, consequently, by their own admission' is opposing a measure which is agreeable to those who represent four fifths of the Irish people. A more unfortunate position could hardly be taken up at a moment when they are also passing a Coercion Bill. It should be their object to display in every indif ferent matter a scrupulous regsrd for the wishes of the great majority of the Irish people, and there would have been no difficulty in their combining with such impartiality due caution with respect to the towns. It would have been perfectly competent' for them to modify the measure in Committee, and if the promoters of the Bill had refused to agree to this course, they would hare had themselves to blame for its miscarriage.

Sir Michael Hicks Beach did not seem able to get beyond reasons for caution, and he displayed a complete inability to realize present facts. Wht is th pertinence, for instance, of a reference to the disturbances in England in in consequence of the injudicious enactment of a similar measure The whole point of the argument for the Bid is the difference between England and Ire land, and the readiness of the Irish people tosccept restrictions wnich would be unwelcome among the Englisla Still leas relevant is an appeal to precedents of legislation iu 1801, 1803, and 1815. It is one of the main elements of the case that within the last fifty years temperate habits have made a great advance in Ireland, and it would have been difficult to miss the point more completely than to argue that it was imprudent to close public houses now because it could not have been done with prudeuce in the time of the great war. Mr. Gladstoxe also commented with justice on tne absence lroin tuo secretary speech of any of the strong evidence of the risk of passing the measure which his official position would have enabled him to adduce the risk really existed.

If a Bill supported by so large a proportion of opinion Ireland were to be opposed by Govern ment, the trongest and clearest grounds ought to have been alleged. In point of tact, Sir Michael Hicks Beach could only support his resistance by hesitating expressions of opinion founded on disputable or irrelevant considerations. It is seldom that a feeble argument is so com pletely exposed as this was by Mr. Gladstoxe, and it may be that Mr. Wheeluocse saved the Government from a damaging defeat.

Mr. Gladstoxe briefiy dismissed the general question of imposing restrictions on the use of strong liquors but we must take exception in passing to his intimation that he would be disposed rather to placo restrictions on the conveniences enjoyed in Clubs than to refuse the working classes the benefit of restrictions. The true answer to the argument from inequality is that there is nothing to prevent tbe working classes having the benefit of Clubs, and that in tbe development of theso institutions among them is probably to be found the solution of many of these difficulties. But the main point on which Mr. Gladstoxe dwelt with much force is that this is es sentially an Irish question, and the state of feeling Ireland is conclusively exemplified by one remarkable spectacle.

There are three dioceses in Ireland in which, under the influence of the clergy, the operation of the Bill has been voluntarily anticipated, and all the publichouses are closed. It is but just to observe that such a fact is equally honourable to the clergy, whoso influence is so much respected, and to the sobriety and self restraint of. the population. But what stronger evidence could be given that there is no such danger of popular dissatisfaction as the Irish Secretary apprehends 1 Magis trates and Poor Law Guardians concur in sup porting tbe same demand, and it is really dim cult to adduce evidence of any material opposition to it. A similar measure has been tried in Scotland, and the only question is how much good it has done.

It is impossible to regret too strongly that the passing of a Bill thus commending itself to Irish opinion should have been delayed by English prejudice. sistance to schemes of change, and in the present evade th opposition which a bold scheme of reeon mood of the Peers the svmpathv of the greater structioa would rouse but it is cartsia to be number is, to say the least, not upon tbe side of innovation. The chief element in all majori ties," says a shrewd Frenchman, is a timid crowd, and for the time timidity begets a remarkable decree of caution. The time has been, ami may be a0ain, when timid people will find it easier to go forward than either to go bock or to tand still bat that time not yet. Lord Selborxe cannot wait.

Last year he brought his projects before Parliament in the mUiMj cf July, when there wa not the slightest chance of obtaining for them even a fair discussion, assailed, directly or indirectly, by those who uphold the existing order of tbinn, and its weakness de prives of any chance of winning favour with law reformers. It is better to put tho question asidr for a while, until opinion has formed itself and the times are ripe for progress, rather than to wast labour and thought upon feeble and halting ten tatives. COURT CIRCULAR. WINDSOR CASTLE. Mat 5.

The Qneca. Priaceu Loois of Hum, ad4 Prince and thouu he is earlier in the field in the pre by the Hon. Session it must be obvious to him that he can look JJJXd, skelmersdAl. had th. hoaour of diaini for no immediately profitable result.

He might Royal Family ia the tvaio possibly answer that he experts nothing of the BCCKTNGPAM PALACE, Mat kind, but that he hop to persuade Parliament and Her Majeaty the Queen, accompanied by Priacs sad the public by keeping the question always open and Looi of fie aad Princess Ewtne, left throwing Wht upon all its astects bv freonsnt inW 1urWr Ur" unt1 bate. We are afraid the question is one which will not be improved in iti practical fortunes by this style of treatment. It is one which is more likely to degenerate into a bore, if it is to be produced. like the Permissive Bill or Women's Suffrage, as an annual sham figat. The truth is that in the case of Lord Selborxe's proposed reforms it is difficult to get at a motive I power which will be adequate to overcome the resistance of vested interests.

The government of the Inns of Court is in theory as unsatisfactory as any that can be conceived, but in practice it is not lound that the members of these Societies object to the system, or call for any specific changes in it. Yet this is the simplest part of Lord Selborxe's task, and the one in which he has the promise very cool and measured, it must be allowed of the Lord Chaxcellor's assistance. We do not know how far the Benchers of the Inns will feel that they are committed by Lord Cairxs' guarded pledge that, if the Bill on examination proved to be of tne character he expected to find it, he was sure the Inns of Court would not retard it as one hostile to their interests but wo are inclined to think that the thin end of the wedge argument will be effectively present in their counsels. Lord Slt bokxe on Tuesdsy night laboured earnestly to prove what we should have thought scarcely needed proof, that the Inns of Court have public functions to discharge, and that, therefore, Parliament is morally competent to control the management of their property and the exercise of their powers. But thst it should be necessary to spend so many words in establishing the point that the Inns of Court, through which alone access can be obtained to the legal profession, are not mere voluntary societies or, if technically, not actually so illustrates the difficulty of dealinc with the subject.

The position of the Inns has, in truth, never been legally defined, and the extensive powers of tbe Bencher depend upon the obscurity hich they are involved. It is consistent with human nature to believe that where darkness is so convenient the admission of light will not be welcomed. But whatever Lord Selborxe's Bill for the better regulation and government of the Inns of Court may do, or fail to do and the ex ChancellorChancellor certainly did not make his purpose very clear it must let in light on what has been kept in the dark, and define the undefined. Tho proposal to appoint a Commission, like those which have reconstructed the academic lystem of the Universi ties, with similar powers of reorganizing tho Inns of Court, is, doubtless, neither startling nor revolutionary yet its effects must be to alarm the benchers, for it threatens to divest their system of government of the vagueness that was its surest safeguard ajoinst criticism and innovation. In however conservative a spirit the proposed Commission may go to work, it must materially alter institutions which for the present the persons immediately concerned do not want to alter.

Tho absurdity of the arrangement that property held by a publio body for public purposes under an implied trust should be administered by self elected Committees who render no account of their stewardship and recognize no effective responsibility is tolerated by the Bar became the juniors and the failures are too weak to protest, and the successful men are pretty sure of succeeding to a shore of power io their turn. It is tolerated by the rest of the world simply because it is not understood. But any attempt to reconstruct this system, or even to define it, would necessitate changes which would alter the character of the Benchers' authority. Is it astonishing that the Benchers do not core to have the question opened, even by a Bill which Lord Cairxs assures them is not hostile to their interests So much for the first and most hopeful of Lord Selborxe's measures. His second Bill that which aims st establishing a general School of Law Sackiachaia Palace st a qurter before 13 o'clock.

Htr Majesty travelled by a special train en the Crest Weitern Railway to London, aad drove from Paddiaftoa to Bockiaf ban Palace, eortd by a detachment ot the 1st Life Gauds. The suit ia attonjaace consisted of tbe Doaszer Dachau of A thole, the Hon. Emily Iianlinz, Colons! Vv Plat, aad Colonel UeXeilL The Queen, with Prince Beatrice, drove oat in the afternoon, atund! ly Dowager DncLso of Athole. Tbe EqocrrUs in Wsitins; were in attendance on horseback. The Qoeea baa been pleased to ipois! the Boo.

Lady Biddalph to be Lady ia attendance oa her Hoyal BiKhoeu Prince Beatrice, the appointment of Lady Superintendent to the Royal Family having ceased at the death of LaJy Caroline barring ton. M.UILBOKOUGB HOCSE, May The Prine of Wales, accompanied by Prince Looi of Battenberx. and attended by Major Kane II, rode oat this moraieg. The Prince of Wales, attended by Miss KaoDys, drove out. The Prince and Prince of Wales, accompanied by Princo Louis of Battenbert.

aad attended by the Hon. Mrs. Coke aad Major KuaseU. dined with his Hiftine the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh and the Maharane at their Twdnoo in Graftoe street, and wero afterward present at a dance given by Lord and Lady Alfred Paget at their residence la Queen Aan trC A Cabinet Council was held yesterday in Down ing stieet. The Ministers present were The Right Hon.

B. Disraeli, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Malmesbury, Mr. Secretary Cross, the Earl Derby, the Esrl of Carnarvon, Mr. Secretary Hardy, the Marquis of Salisbury, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, tha Right lion. G.

Ward Hunt and Lord John Manners. i Dates' Club. Tbe Duke of Devonshire entertained st dinner Yesterly veain, at Dvoiabir aHie, th following member of Bates' Club Tbe Duke of MancSester, the Marquis of Exete'r, Lord Spencer, EUea mere, Don more, Fevereham, Bsctive, Braybrook, Skel memlale. More ton, aed Penrhyn, tho Hon. Charles iU wilhaia, Sir Wilfrid Lawaoa, Sir Kicsard Mugrave, Sir Joteph Waitworth, Sir Curtis AlngicoU, Colonel Lord Lindasv, Colovel (jester, Mr.

Anguitein. Mr. lienry Braaaey, Mr. Alexander Urogdan, Mr. Samad.

Mr. Sartoria, Mr. Oliver, Mr. Holford. Mr.

Lesey, Mr. M'lntoah, Mr. Sheldon, Mr. rleaoford, Mr. Robarta, Mr.

Bow ly. atr. larking. Mr. Cheney, Mr.

Coleman, Mr. t'wtcr, Mr. P. Davies, the Bev. P.

Graham, Mr. longman, Captain Young, Mr. Loder, Mr. Dreary, and Mr. de Vitrs.

Mr. Shaw, M.P.. The ChriUr Courant understands tha'tMr. Shaw, M.P. for Burnley, had a aarrew cane at the General Station oa Suadsv nit hi.

11 wa tepping out of a train, when his feet slipped, ssd he fell betweeu the platform and tbe carrUge, but fortaaaleiy escaped without auy eriou injury, though he sustained lacerations which necessitated hi placing him)f under the care of a doctor. Mr. Texxaxt, M.P. About 4 o'clock yesterday morning Ire occurred ia Clarge tret. It broke out in tbe house 40, belonging to Mrs.

Archer, aad ia an apartment occupied by Mr. Bobert Tennant, M.P. for Leeds, The curtain of Mr. Tennaat's bed had caught fire wkile he wa saleep. Fortunately the eonllagrstioa wa rxtinguuhed by the inmates of the house, but not SB til tho bedroom end ail it content had been compleUly destroyed aad Mr.

Tennant severely burnt. It alleged that more than 20 miautes elapsed be twee the arrival of tha police and that of tbe first fire engine. The sapplyof water from a fire plug immediately ia trout of tho hoes was ample, if it eould have been got st, A 'iicHBORXB Case with a Dittxkexcx. A German paper gives an account of what It describes ss a ituaaian TtcbLorne case. A wealthy man, advsaced in years, married a girl of humble rank.

Thar msrriage proved unhappy, and she oon returned to her relatives, while th huaband obtained Uhoice. Meanwhile a son hat been born, whom be refused to acSnowiedzc, sad the Court decided in hi favour on this point, 'lbs mother thereupon removed to Kiachibew, where ahe aeon disappeared. Many year have aiace elapsed a nephew, a tie it of kin, has been in puaseaaioa ot a coloaaal fortune, but a man aaa now come forward claiming to be tbe sou of tbe dvcaased. Ue ha been in the Army and has gained th rank of Sergeant. Tbe first Court before which hi claim wa broogat njected it, but a Superior Court ha swarded him bolt to inheritance.

Ml'bdi ix Irelaxd. Our Dublin Correspondent telegraph laat night An agrarian murder wa perpetrated on Monday night at Lungueld, near ForhihiU, in the County Armagh. The victim was a farmer ia comfortable circuiuatancea, named Terence On Monday evening he left hi onus to viait hi brother, aad not returning up to a late hour search wa mad for him aad hi dee. I body wat found lying ia a add frightfully mutilated, it i uppoaed. with tones.

A dispute about aa aero uf land luppuaad to have caused the murder. The polio have made some arrest. A SroRTixo Excxrsiox. The Buffalo Commercial Adnrtittr state that arraazement have been made for the arrival of a party of above 100 Engliah gentlemen oa a hunting etpMUtioa, organiud by Colonel Macarthy, of Arriving at ew tort from Liverpool snout to Teas 12th of Mav.th party will start for the Fall abooat tmm is exposed to the samo adverse influences and i and thence proceed to Chicago. Great preparal .11 are being nurfe fur them st the Clifton, where, an ouiers iuu more aimcuit to overcome.

lta lne Lord Selborxe is a persevering lawyer, and courageous withal but he hardly makes sufficient accounted times and seasons. He laid his proposals for the reorganization of the Inns of Court and the establishment of a School of Law before the House of Lords on Tuesday night with as much earnestness and confidence as if he had a majority at his back. Much of what he said was true and even trite, and a great part of his plant will probably at some future time be embodied in legislation. But is it possible not to recognize the fact that at the present moment the tide of reforming zeal is at its ebb Even were Lord Selborxe in power, with, a Liberal majority in the Lower House to support him, he would have to deal in the first place with an Assembly unfriendly to ehange. The spirit in which the House of Lords receives of innovation depends upon the general temper of the country.

When the nation at large is hot for reform, the mind of the Peers is cautiously opened to a perception of the beauties of progress when the country cools, the opening is straightway closed. It is that Lord Selborxe does not perceive this, for, if he had not observed it before, the fata of the Judicature Bill might, we should have thought, have impressed it upon him. It may be said that tha measures affecting Legal Education which Lord Selborxe patronizes excite none of the political passion that wot involved in tha proposal to transfer the Appellate Jurisdiction from tha House of Lords to a new tribunal but they affect interests quite powerful enough to oppose a steady re arguments in favour of organizing such a Legal University Lord Sclborxe deprecates the use of the phrase, but it is convenient, and conveys a distinct idea to the popular mind we are tolerably familiar. They are excellent reasons so far as they go, but they will not carry Lord Selborxe over the obstacles in his path. If the whole field 'vero open for reconstructive schemes, there would be much to urge in favour of giving a common training in the principles of law not only to Barristers and Solicitors, but to young men who desire to complete a liberal education by acquiring some accurate knowledge of the institutions under which they live, and iu administering which they msy be called upon to take a part.

As Mr. Lowe told the Royal Commission in 1854, Legal Education is a much larger question than the education of the Bar or even of the Bench." I think," he added, it is exceedingly desirable that every English gentlemsnwho is independent and whose time is at bis own disposal should be educated in law to a much greater extent than is now the case." This is perfectly sound doctrine; but, after all, the education of these non professionalprofessional persons is not the first question to be considered. The training of young men intended for either branch of the profession in the knowledge which they hsre to use in their business is the justification for establishing a School of Law. At present that training is given by the Inns of Court very imperfectly, it is true, but not without some promise of improvement to students for the by the Incorporated Law Society to the articled clerks who intend to become Solicitors. Lord Selborxe's proposed School of Law would enter into competition with these educating agencies and extinguish them.

It would probably be easy to moke its system of teaching much better nn anything, the Inns of Court have set up, and the Incorporated Law Society is unselfishly desirous of tscrificing its separate existence. But a vast teach ing organization cannot be set to work and sup ported without funds, and whence are the tunas to come lor tbe proposed School of Law Lord Selborxe distinctly abandons all claim for this purpose to the revenues of the Innsof these were originally designed to provide for Legal Education. He must look. therefore, to a high scale of fees, which will have to be added to the existing cost of entering either branch of tbe profession. This is surely not desir able, especially when the resources of tha Inns, if properly utilized, would be amply sufficient for all the demands upon them for educations! purposes.

Lord Selborxe's proposition to extinguish the edu cational efforts of the Inn of Court and yet to make no claim upon the revenues of the Inns tor educational object is, we presume, intended to other arTsngeuenta, a rand ball to be given in honour of the uccaaum. Alter leaving Chicago, th party will go to Fremont, St. Louis, and Kaiuu City, from which point tbey will hunt over the jdaia to Deuver, making expeditious iu different directiuna, wherever game may be the moat plentiful. The team will be accompanied by men tetvaat and from 30 to 40 dogv It ia intended to make Saa Francisco in th Fail, returning to Fn gland by way of 1 uicubama. Of course, tbe main oejecl ot Uil round tnn ia tbe pursuit of Urge gam in tbe Western prairies.

Indian gmtlcs, berses, ana all necessary louiaxa cave oeea secured. A Haxdy Phra.ie. Tbe Beecber trial is likely to give us a fw new pbrasea.or interpretation of old one, which ma perhaps be useful to writers asd spaakersThus, th other da, Mr. ISeecber admitted in tie cross examinationexamination that a particular statement of tteaaie Turner' wa untrue. Mr.

'ullrtou asked him, Did ou believe Bessie Turner bad told ou a falsehood To which Mr. Beecber replied, I believed she bad told me a self Fori Timti. 1'ishery. United States' papers say that a letur received ia Baltimore from St. John's, Newfoundland, state that on the 4th of April the steamer Greenland, the Unt of the seal fishery fieet, arrived there with seals.

Th steaaier ProUus arrived nest da with 43.UUU aeala, th largest cumber ever brought by one vsesel. Tbi i stated to oe the best Spring for eai known fr ears on tbe Newfoundland coast, report from the sealing grounds giving to tbe steamer Bear, JT.UJu to the Xicmac, U.UJU to th eptun. and a number of other the til with fuU carguu. lbe captain of the steamci Greenland received $7JU) for hi abar of the catch of iUJU, the pay of those engaged being according to the catch. Cocxnxo their Moxey.

A Washington Press despatch states that Mr. John New, who will succeed Treasurer Spinner at the end of the present fiscal ear, ha arranged to no ia Washington about th middle of une to give bu personal attention to counting tbe money on hand in th Treasury preparatory to assuming responsibility and entering security. be new Treasurer ia the party mere directly interested, and the thoroughness the count will depend entirely upon him. If he should make the demaad, very piece of atone, from ten cent note to not of th largeat denomination, will have to be separately counted. Such a count would involve aa isaaena amount of labeui and occupy Marly three tents' time.

Tbe coin will pro banly be weighed and receipted for without special elimination. The reserve, which is about wuL it is presumed, be counted and accepted ia bundles. The reserve li under the direct custody of tan omeer detailed respectively from tbe oHice of th and reguter. It is kept in a safe secured by three locks different eombinatioas, each of th three omears having charge cf tbe fund being supplied with a 7 to one lock. Thus the presence of persons at the same time is nsceseary to open the smf.

The money ia reserve is doe up in packagee of separate denouuaatwns, ia amounts convenient to tne requirement of tbe daily hniinv i of the Treasurer effie. aad those package are not broken until they are tranfrred to the custody of the Treasurer, and they are not considered is his custody till removed from th sale. A large amount ol tbi reserve is in fracUoaal currency, la the ordinary course of business th packages are wait out aad receipted for by Sub Traurei and banc otfiewrs. aad a ssMtake was never known to occur in the Treasury count. If Mr.

New will accept the package of tbe reserve aad ether packages similarly prepared aad marked, without requirug a detailed coaat, Ue baiaaorsof Treasurer pinner can be veri fied and transferred in from four to six weeks. The Inst count of tbe money in the Treasury was made about three nan ego, when the dcfi lr final of an tmfle4 was sos ted. ana bvmso djsssw. very Uoreega couwi, nan wa awonn uwuer ue uperriMC of soon ue Anuy ana tww or urn Hr of Wsslrisrton, It revealed the amoust ot the Johason Mardea defalcation, which will he sufficiently recalled without further mestioa. General Spinner was pes sclly reeposeabte for the iisinst.

hatha was lelsevedef the less hr eaal set at OasaTsss,.